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In the fall of 2006, with California’s prisons bulging at the seams and the state facing lawsuits targeting prison overcrowding, Governor Arnold Schwarzenegger used his executive authority to “temporarily house” California prisoners in private correctional facilities in other states. (The Legislature endorsed this policy soon after it was implemented.) Initially, the numbers were small: Within a couple of months of the Governor’s emergency proclamation, just 80 Californians had been sent to prison beyond the state line (to Tennessee). However, California’s use of out-of-state “contract beds” expanded rapidly. By late 2010, more than 10,000 people were serving their California prison sentences outside of the state, including in Mississippi and Oklahoma.

Advocates for incarcerated adults criticized the state’s policy, arguing that “transferring prisoners out of state further disrupts ties to family and community.” Concerns were also raised about the conditions in private, for-profit facilities. Nonetheless, state policymakers saw the use of out-of-state facilities as a key strategy for addressing severe overcrowding in California’s prisons, at least temporarily. The apparent need for this strategy became all the more urgent when, in August 2009, a panel of federal judges ordered the state to cap its prison population at 137.5% of the prison system’s “design capacity.” At the time of this order — which was upheld by the US Supreme Court — California’s prison population far exceeded the cap. More than 150,000 adults were housed in state prisons that were designed to hold a total of about 80,000 people, putting the prison population at 188% of capacity.

Yet, thanks to a series of criminal justice reforms adopted by state policymakers and the voters — reforms that have significantly reduced incarceration — California has been able to comply with the court-ordered prison population cap while simultaneously scaling back its reliance on out-of-state facilities. Since peaking at over 10,000 in the early 2010s, the number of California prisoners housed outside of the state has declined to less than 3,000, as Governor Brown’s administration has pursued a policy (articulated in 2012 and again in 2016) that aims to end the use of contract beds in other states. Now, the culmination of this policy is just around the corner: California is expected to sever its ties with all out-of-state contract facilities by the end of January 2019, ending an era that began a dozen years ago during the depths of California’s prison overcrowding crisis.

Does ending the use of out-of-state facilities mean that California’s work is done when it comes to criminal justice reform? Not by a longshot. Although the state continues to comply with the court-ordered prison population cap, the prison system — which is overseen by the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation (CDCR) — remains severely overcrowded. Currently, approximately 115,700 adults are incarcerated in 34 state prisons designed to hold about 85,000 people — 136% of capacity. In addition, more than 11,000 adults are housed in other in-state facilities under the CDCR’s jurisdiction, including public and private contract facilities.

With incarceration projected to continue declining modestly over the next few years, California should soon be able to scale back the use of private in-state contract facilities — a goal explicitly spelled out in the 2018-19 state budget package — and could be in a position to close at least one state prison. However, downsizing California’s costly prison infrastructure in a bigger way would require additional criminal justice reforms, such as addressing the state’s harsh, one-size-fits-all sentencing laws. By more rapidly reducing incarceration, California could plan for the closure of multiple prisons and reinvest the savings in a range of public services and systems that can help to promote rehabilitation, reduce poverty, and strengthen families and communities. Watch for more Budget Center analysis and commentary on this topic in the coming months.

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In recent years, California has made significant progress in reducing incarceration. The number of adults incarcerated at the state level, which peaked at more than 173,000 in 2007, declined to 131,260 by June 2017 — a reduction of nearly one-quarter. This substantial drop resulted largely from criminal justice reforms adopted by state policymakers and the voters following a 2009 federal court order that required California to reduce overcrowding in state prisons.[1] The most recent of these reforms was Proposition 57, a 2016 ballot measure that provided state officials with new tools to reduce the amount of time that people spend in prison.[2]

State-level incarceration is expected to continue falling over the next several years, “driven by the expected impacts” of Prop. 57, according to the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation (CDCR).[3] The CDCR projects that the number of incarcerated adults will decline to about 124,400 by June 2022 — a modest 5% drop (see chart) from the June 2017 level (131,260). The Brown Administration anticipates that by freeing up a relatively small amount of space in state prisons, Prop. 57 — along with other recent criminal justice reforms — will allow the state to end the use of out-of-state “contract facilities” by fall 2019.[4] However, the Administration does not anticipate closing any state prisons, which account for the vast majority of corrections-related spending at the state level.

Despite the ongoing decline in incarceration, spending on state corrections remains high. Under the Governor’s proposed budget, combined funding for the CDCR and the Board of State and Community Corrections would be $12.1 billion in 2018-19 (the fiscal year that begins this coming July 1) — $2 billion higher than the 2012-13 level, after adjusting for inflation.[5] This growth generally reflects spending increases that have outpaced inflation, including for prison health care (up by 37.8%, or $857 million); for CDCR statewide administration (up by 23.4%, or $96 million); and for prison security and operations (up by 18.7%, or $1.1 billion), which includes the cost of salaries and benefits for correctional officers and support services for incarcerated adults, such as meals and clothing (see chart).[6]

Significantly reducing corrections spending will require California to go beyond recent reforms. This should include simplifying the state’s complex Penal Code with an eye toward shortening prison sentences. Such reforms would further reduce incarceration, allowing the state to close costly prisons. This, in turn, would free up substantial revenues that could be reallocated to a range of services and supports that can promote rehabilitation, reduce poverty, and strengthen families and communities.


[1] For a discussion of these reforms and the 2009 federal court order, see Scott Graves, Corrections Spending Through the State Budget Since 2007-08: Still High Despite Recent Reforms (California Budget & Policy Center: November 2015), pp. 1 and 3 and endnote 4.

[2] Scott Graves, Proposition 57: Should Voters Provide State Officials With New Flexibility to Reduce the Prison Population? (California Budget & Policy Center: October 2016).

[3] California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation, Fall 2017 Population Projections (January 2018), p. v.

[4] Department of Finance, Governor’s Budget Summary 2018-19 (January 2018), p. 71. About 3,500 Californians are housed in facilities in Arizona and Mississippi. The court-imposed prison population cap (137.5% of prisons’ “design capacity”) precludes the state from housing all of these individuals in state prisons at this time.

[5] These expenditures generally reflect the operational costs of the state correctional system. This spending excludes capital outlay as well as state funding that counties receive each year to carry out certain correctional responsibilities that they assumed as part of the state-to-county “realignment” enacted in 2011.

[6] Budget Center analysis of Department of Finance data. The increase in prison health care spending is partly attributable to a shift of roughly $270 million from the Department of State Hospitals’ budget to the CDCR’s budget, which took effect on July 1, 2017. Excluding this shift, prison health care spending is up by 25.9% since 2012-13, after adjusting for inflation.

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The data set for this analysis is available for download.


For decades, California took a “tough on crime” approach to criminal and juvenile justice. Harsh, one-size-fits-all sentencing policies such as the 1994 “Three Strikes and You’re Out” law emphasized punishment over rehabilitation and significantly lengthened prison sentences. These and other policies greatly increased the number of adults incarcerated by the state and contributed to the creation of a bloated and costly correctional system. This shift toward a “do the crime, do the time” philosophy also affected California youth involved with the juvenile justice system. In 2000, for example, the voters passed Proposition 21, which required more youth accused of crimes to be tried in adult court, among other changes.

In recent years, however, California has fundamentally reformed its approach to criminal and juvenile justice through legislation and at the ballot box. These reforms have aimed to reduce incarceration, promote more effective pathways to rehabilitation, prevent crime, and spend tax revenues more wisely. These policy changes largely stemmed from litigation against the state that prompted judicial intervention, with the most prominent example being the 2009 federal court order — subsequently upheld by the US Supreme Court — requiring California to reduce overcrowding in state prisons. Significant reforms include:

  • The California Community Corrections Performance Incentives Act (Senate Bill 678 of 2009). This legislation created financial incentives for counties to reduce the number of adult felony probationers sent to state prison, including by reducing recidivism through the use of “evidence-based” (scientifically proven) supervision practices.
  • Public safety realignment (Assembly 109 of 2011). The state transferred, or realigned, to counties the responsibility for managing and supervising adults convicted of certain “lower-level” felonies, effective October 1, 2011. (Previously, these individuals would have served state prison sentences and been released to state parole.) Counties receive constitutionally protected funding from the state each year to carry out these responsibilities.
  • Prop. 36 of 2012. This ballot initiative amended the state’s “three strikes” law to shorten prison sentences for many people who receive a third strike for a nonviolent, nonserious felony.
  • Prop. 47 of 2014. This ballot initiative reclassified certain drug and property crimes as misdemeanors, thus helping to reduce the number of adults incarcerated in state prisons as well as in county jails.
  • Prop. 57 of 2016. This ballot initiative established new policies to address overcrowding in state prisons. Specifically, the measure 1) created a new parole consideration process for state prisoners serving a sentence for a nonviolent felony offense and 2) gave state officials broad new authority to award sentencing credits to reduce the amount of time that people spend in prison. Prop. 57 also changed state law to require juvenile court judges to decide whether youth should be tried in adult court.

On the whole, these reforms have provided an opening for counties to reassess how they respond to crime as well as how they address incarceration — two key areas of county budgets. In an effort to highlight counties’ individual approaches in these areas, this analysis examines county spending on both incarceration and responding to crime for selected fiscal years from 1990-91 to 2015-16. This analysis includes four components: 1) an interactive tool below that shows inflation-adjusted expenditures as well as spending as a share of each county’s budget; 2) individual county Fact Sheets below that display the same spending data; 3) a downloadable Excel file that includes the full data set produced by this analysis; and 4) a Technical Appendix that describes the methodology.



Click below to get the Fact Sheet for your county.

Alameda Madera San Luis Obispo
Alpine Marin San Mateo
Amador Mariposa Santa Barbara
Butte Mendocino Santa Clara
Calaveras Merced Santa Cruz
Colusa Modoc Shasta
Contra Costa Mono Sierra
Del Norte Monterey Siskiyou
El Dorado Napa Solano
Fresno Nevada Sonoma
Glenn Orange Stanislaus
Humboldt Placer Sutter
Imperial Plumas Tehama
Inyo Riverside Trinity
Kern Sacramento Tulare
Kings San Benito Tuolumne
Lake San Bernardino Ventura
Lassen San Diego Yolo
Los Angeles San Joaquin Yuba

Note: The City and County of San Francisco is excluded from the analysis because the State Controller’s Office does not provide information for San Francisco that is comparable to the data reported for the state’s other 57 counties.

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The Sierra Health Foundation’s Center for Health Program Management hosted a webinar on justice reinvestment for the Positive Youth Justice Initiative (PYJI). Director of Research Scott Graves presented, “Criminal Justice Reforms and County Budgets: A Bird’s-Eye View,” which provided an overview of recent changes in state criminal justice policy that have affected counties.

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Endnotes are available in the PDF version of this Fact Sheet.

In recent years, California has made a series of criminal justice reforms aimed at reducing the number of people involved with state and county correctional systems, promoting rehabilitation, preventing crime, and spending limited tax dollars more wisely. For example, through the 2011 public safety “realignment,” California policymakers transferred responsibility and funding for many adults convicted of “lower-level” felonies from the state prison and parole systems to the counties. Since 2007, these criminal justice reforms have helped to reduce the number of state prisoners by more than one-quarter and the number of state parolees by nearly two-thirds. In contrast, the statewide county jail population has fluctuated since 2007. However, as of late 2015, county jails held only slightly more people than they did in September 2011 — the month before the state-to-county realignment took effect.

Despite these significant reforms, spending on incarceration and crime-related activities at the county and state levels remains high. As of 2014-15, California’s state and county governments spent $20.7 billion on incarceration and responding to crime, according to a Budget Center analysis of state data. Specifically:

  • Nearly three-quarters (73%) of this spending — $15.1 billion — was for incarceration of adults and juveniles at the state and county levels. At the state level, spending on incarceration ($10.8 billion) reflects state operations and related capital outlay for the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation (CDCR). At the county level, spending on incarceration ($4.3 billion) includes adult and juvenile detention, jail facilities, and related capital outlay.
  • More than one-quarter (27%) of this spending — $5.6 billion — was for activities associated with responding to crime. At the state level, this spending ($1.4 billion) includes support for trial courts as reflected in the state budget along with related capital outlay. At the county level, this spending ($4.3 billion) reflects support for district attorney prosecution; probation; public defenders; certain trial court activities (expenditures not reflected in the state category); juvenile wards of the court; grand juries; and related capital outlay. County-level expenditures in this category exclude the cost of policing that is provided by county sheriff’s departments.
state-and-county-spending-incarceration-responding-crime-exceeded-20-billion-2014-15

Significantly reducing state and county spending on incarceration and responding to crime will require continued implementation of recent reforms and going beyond recent changes in criminal justice policy. For instance, Proposition 47 (2014), which reduced penalties for several nonviolent drug and property crimes, allows individuals who are serving felony sentences for Prop. 47-related crimes to petition the court for resentencing to a misdemeanor based on this new classification, possibly resulting in early release. State and local officials should ensure that everyone in prison or jail who qualifies for resentencing under Prop. 47 has a chance to petition the court, which would likely lead to further reductions in state and county incarceration levels.

Policy changes that go beyond recent reforms could include simplifying the state’s complex Penal Code in order to shorten prison sentences, providing state officials with new policy options for further reducing incarceration, and increasing the use of alternatives to incarceration at the county level, particularly for youth. Decreasing the costs of incarceration and responding to crime at both the state and county levels would free up revenues that could then be redirected to public services and systems that can help more Californians achieve economic opportunity and security and promote broadly shared prosperity.

This analysis is the first part of a multiphase effort to analyze state and county spending on incarceration and responding to crime. Future phases of this work will examine trends in spending over time and provide county-by-county information.

For more information about the methodology used to calculate the expenditures reported in this Fact Sheet, see the Technical Appendix.

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Endnotes are available in the PDF version of this Issue Brief.

Proposition 57, which will appear on the November 8, 2016 statewide ballot, would amend the California Constitution to give state officials new policy options for reducing incarceration. The measure also would amend state law to require youth to have a hearing in juvenile court before they could be transferred to adult court. This Issue Brief provides an overview of this ballot measure as well as its potential impact on the state correctional system and the state budget. The California Budget & Policy Center neither supports nor opposes Prop. 57.

What Would Proposition 57 Do?

Prop. 57, “The Public Safety and Rehabilitation Act of 2016,” would amend the California Constitution to give state officials new flexibility to reduce the number of people incarcerated by the state. The measure would (1) create a new parole consideration process for people convicted of a nonviolent felony offense who are sentenced to state prison and (2) provide state corrections officials with new authority to award certain credits that reduce the length of state prison sentences. In addition, Prop. 57 would amend state law to require youth to have a hearing in juvenile court before they could be transferred to adult court for prosecution.

Proposition 57 Would Create a New Parole Consideration Process for People Convicted of a Nonviolent Felony Offense

Under current state law, most people convicted of an offense that results in a state prison term receive either a determinate sentence or an indeterminate sentence.

  • A determinate sentence is a prison term with a specified release date. Once individuals have completed their sentence, they are automatically released to parole, meaning that they are supervised in the community for a set period by state parole agents or county probation officers.
  • An indeterminate sentence does not have a specified release date. Instead, individuals serve a life term with the possibility of parole. After serving a minimum required number of years, individuals go before the Board of Parole Hearings, which determines “if or when an offender can be returned to society.”

For each type of sentence, the length of the prison term handed down by a judge often reflects sentencing “enhancements” or alternative sentences that are required by state law. For example, under California’s “Three Strikes and You’re Out” law, a person with one prior conviction for a violent or serious felony who is convicted of any new felony — a “second-strike” offense — receives a prison term that is twice what it would otherwise be under state law. People with at least two prior “strike” convictions who are convicted of a new serious or violent felony — a “third-strike” offense — receive a life sentence with a minimum term of 25 years.

Prop. 57 would amend the state Constitution to create a new parole consideration process for people convicted of a “nonviolent felony offense” who are sentenced to state prison. An individual would be eligible for parole consideration “after completing the full term for his or her primary offense.” The measure defines “full term for the primary offense” as follows: “the longest term of imprisonment imposed by the court for any offense, excluding the imposition of an enhancement, consecutive sentence, or alternative sentence.” This new parole consideration process would apply to people serving determinate sentences as well as to some individuals serving indeterminate sentences. Prop. 57 would require the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation (CDCR) to adopt regulations implementing this provision and to certify that such regulations “protect and enhance public safety.”

Proposition 57 Would Give State Corrections Officials New Constitutional Authority to Award Sentencing Credits in Order to Reduce Prison Terms

Under current state law, certain incarcerated adults are eligible to earn sentencing credits to reduce their prison terms. For example, state law gives the CDCR the authority to award a specific amount of credits to individuals who exhibit good behavior and/or complete “approved rehabilitative programming,” such as academic coursework, vocational training, and substance use disorder treatment. In addition, state law limits the amount of credits that prisoners may earn, outlines circumstances under which individuals may lose or be denied credits, and prohibits some individuals — including those convicted of murder — from earning any credits at all.

Prop. 57 would amend the state Constitution to give the CDCR authority “to award credits earned for good behavior and approved rehabilitative or educational achievements.” This new authority would be in addition to any authority granted to the CDCR through state law. Prop. 57 would require the CDCR to adopt regulations implementing this provision and to certify that such regulations “protect and enhance public safety.”

Proposition 57 Would Require Youth to Have a Hearing in Juvenile Court Before They Could Be Transferred to Adult Court

Under current state law, youth ages 14 to 17 who are accused of certain crimes can be tried in adult court. In some circumstances, state law requires the juvenile to be tried as an adult. In other situations, prosecutors have the discretion to directly file charges against a youth in adult court. In the remaining cases, a juvenile court judge decides — if so requested by a prosecutor — whether a youth should be transferred to adult court.

Prop. 57 would amend state law to require youth to have a hearing in juvenile court before they could be transferred to adult court for prosecution. As a result, under Prop. 57, “the only way a youth could be tried in adult court is if the juvenile court judge in the hearing decides to transfer the youth to adult court,” according to the Legislative Analyst’s Office (LAO). In addition, the measure would allow prosecutors to seek transfer hearings only for 16- and 17-year-olds accused of committing a felony, or for 14- and 15-year-olds accused of committing certain crimes outlined in state law, including murder, kidnapping, arson, and certain sex offenses.

Future Amendments to Proposition 57 Would Require Voter Approval in Some Circumstances

Both the statutory and the constitutional provisions of Prop. 57 could be amended:

  • Statutory provisions. The statutory provisions of Prop. 57 revise the process by which youth may be transferred to adult court. Changes to these provisions that “are consistent with and further the intent of” Prop. 57 could be approved in a bill passed by a majority vote of each house of the Legislature and signed by the Governor. The Legislature and the Governor could approve other types of changes to these provisions, but any such changes would also require voter approval.
  • Constitutional provisions. The constitutional provisions of Prop. 57 create a new parole consideration process and give state officials new authority to award sentencing credits. These provisions could be amended only by a subsequent vote of the people.

California Has Substantially Reduced Incarceration in Recent Years, But Significant Challenges Remain

In recent years, California has made significant progress in reducing the number of people involved with the state correctional system. The number of adults incarcerated by the state, which peaked at more than 173,600 in 2007, has declined to roughly 128,900, a reduction of more than one-quarter. This decrease resulted largely from criminal justice reforms adopted by state policymakers and by the voters in the years following a 2009 federal court order requiring California to reduce prison overcrowding to no more than 137.5 percent of the prison system’s capacity. These reforms were largely aimed at keeping people convicted of “lower-level” felonies out of state prisons, while also boosting opportunities for rehabilitation.

Despite this substantial decline in state-level incarceration, significant challenges remain. Specifically:

  • California’s prison system remains severely overcrowded. California currently houses more than 113,600 adults in 34 state prisons designed to hold a total of about 84,300 people.This means that the state prison system is operating at approximately 135 percent of capacity, which is just below the court-ordered prison population cap (137.5 percent of capacity). The state also houses about 10,800 people in “contract” facilities, including out-of-state private prisons. California contracts for bed space because the prison population cap prevents the CDCR from increasing the level of crowding in state prisons beyond the limit set by the court.
  • The number of adults incarcerated by the state is expected to increase modestly in the coming years, reaching a projected 132,070 by mid-2020. Even as the total number of adults in state custody has declined over the past few years, the number of adults “with relatively long sentences” has continued to grow. The CDCR projects that within the next year, the increase in the number of individuals with relatively long sentences “will outpace population reductions being achieved within the lower-level offender population.”
  • Spending on state corrections remains persistently high. The CDCR is slated to receive $10.5 billion from the state’s General Fund in the current fiscal year (2016-17) — the third consecutive year that state support for the CDCR will exceed $10 billion, after adjusting for inflation. The CDCR’s current share of total General Fund spending — 8.5 percent — is more than twice as high as its share was in 1980-81 (2.9 percent).

These facts suggest that additional reforms are needed in order to further decrease incarceration at the state level and substantially reduce the cost of the state correctional system.

Proposition 57 Would Likely Further Reduce the Number of People Incarcerated by the State

If approved by the voters, Prop. 57 would help to restore California’s momentum in reducing incarceration. By requiring juvenile court judges to decide whether a youth should be tried in adult court, Prop. 57 would likely reduce the number of juveniles who end up in the adult criminal justice system, thereby promoting better outcomes for youth who are sentenced for committing a crime. Moreover, the measure’s new rules regarding parole and sentencing credits could result in many prisoners being released on an accelerated timeline. Experts note that scaling back the length of prison terms is crucial to reducing correctional populations, and that doing so has little to no impact on either crime rates or recidivism. Yet, while Prop. 57 would allow prison terms to be reduced, it would not require state officials to take such a course of action. Therefore, the extent of any decrease in incarceration would depend on how state officials interpret and implement the measure.

Some People Convicted of Nonviolent Offenses Could Be Released From Prison More Quickly Due to the New Parole Consideration Process

Prop. 57 would require the state parole board to conduct parole consideration hearings for prisoners who were convicted of a nonviolent felony offense and who have completed the full term for their primary offense. In other words, individuals would be considered for release from prison prior to serving time for other offenses and/or for any sentencing enhancements that may have been added to their base term. This new parole consideration process would apply to roughly 30,000 current prisoners as well as to about 7,500 of the individuals who are expected to enter state prison each year, according to the LAO.

Yet, although the parole board would have to conduct potentially thousands of additional parole consideration hearings, board commissioners — who are appointed by the Governor — would not be required to grant early release to any state prisoners who would be affected by Prop. 57. Decisions about which prisoners to release presumably would adhere to the parole board’s current guidelines, under which commissioners determine if an individual poses “a current, unreasonable risk” of danger to the public. Still, it is likely that some people affected by Prop. 57 would be found to meet these guidelines and thus would be released from prison earlier than their full sentence requires.

Some People Could Be Released From Prison More Quickly Due to the CDCR’s New Authority to Award Sentencing Credits

Prop. 57 would give state corrections officials broad new discretion to award sentencing credits for good conduct and rehabilitative or educational achievements in order to reduce the amount of time that people spend in prison. The CDCR could award more credits than currently allowed and/or provide credits to prisoners who are otherwise prohibited from earning credits. For example:

  • State law generally allows eligible prisoners to earn one day of credit for each discipline-free day that they serve. Under Prop. 57, state corrections officials could — but would not have to — provide additional credits for each day of good behavior.
  • State law also allows eligible prisoners to earn credits for successfully completing rehabilitative programs. However, these “milestone” credits may reduce a prisoner’s sentence by no more than six weeks in a 12-month period. Under Prop. 57, state corrections officials could — but would not have to — lift this six-week limitation and allow individuals who earn sufficient milestone credits to further reduce their prison terms within a 12-month period.
  • State law prohibits some prisoners, including those convicted of specified violent offenses, from earning credits for completing rehabilitative programs. Under Prop. 57, the CDCR could — but would not be required to — allow these individuals to earn credits for participating in rehabilitative programs, thereby reducing the length of their terms and increasing the chances that they will be able to successfully integrate back into their communities when they are released.

Because the CDCR is part of the Governor’s administration, Governor Brown and his successors would ultimately determine whether, or by how much, to increase the amount of credits that state prisoners could earn for good conduct and/or for completing rehabilitative activities. If voters approve Prop. 57, Governor Brown could implement expansive new credit-earning opportunities aimed at promoting rehabilitation and substantially reducing the state prison population. Alternatively, he could take a more limited approach that only modestly increases credits beyond the levels already provided. Moreover, whatever decisions Governor Brown makes could be maintained, modified, or rescinded by subsequent governors.

Proposition 57 Would Likely Generate Annual State Savings

The various provisions of Prop. 57 are expected to result in state budget savings. The LAO projects that net state savings would likely be “in the tens of millions of dollars annually,” while also acknowledging that their estimates “are subject to significant uncertainty.” Most of these savings are attributed to the provisions of Prop. 57 that apply to adults in state prison: the new parole consideration process and the new authority for state corrections officials to award sentencing credits. However, it is not known how state officials would interpret and implement Prop. 57’s new options for reducing incarceration. Therefore, annual state savings could be higher or lower than the LAO projects.

What Do Proponents Argue?

Proponents of Prop. 57, including Governor Brown and the Chief Probation Officers of California, argue that the measure focuses “resources on keeping dangerous criminals behind bars, while rehabilitating juvenile and adult inmates and saving tens of millions of taxpayer dollars.” They further argue that “without a common sense, long-term solution, we will continue to waste billions and risk a court-ordered release of dangerous prisoners.”

What Do Opponents Argue?

Opponents of Prop. 57, including the San Francisco Police Officers Association and the California District Attorneys Association, argue that the measure will allow “state government bureaucrats to reduce many sentences for ‘good behavior,’ even for inmates convicted of murder, rape, child molestation, and human trafficking.” Prop. 57, they argue, “will likely result in higher crime rates as at least 16,000 dangerous criminals…would be eligible for early release.”

Conclusion

Prop. 57 would provide California officials with new policy tools to address ongoing overcrowding in state prisons. Under the measure, thousands of individuals who were convicted of a nonviolent felony offense would go before the state parole board each year to be considered for release from prison prior to serving their complete sentence. In addition, state corrections officials would gain broad new authority to award sentencing credits in order to reduce the amount of time that people spend in prison. Finally, Prop. 57 would require juvenile court judges to decide whether youth should be tried in adult court. This change would likely reduce the number of juveniles who end up in the adult criminal justice system, thereby promoting better outcomes for youth who are sentenced for committing a crime.

Prop. 57 would not reform California’s complex and often draconian Penal Code, which continues to overly rely on incarceration as the consequence for committing a crime, rather than promoting community-based interventions that could provide better avenues for rehabilitation. Consequently, the measure would not directly reduce the number of people who are sentenced to prison in the first place. However, Prop. 57 would provide new opportunities for state officials to mitigate the impact of California’s sentencing laws by accelerating the release of individuals who merit such consideration, particularly where doing so would promote rehabilitation, public safety, and the cost-effective use of limited public resources. Yet, while Prop. 57 would allow prison terms to be reduced, it would not require state officials to take such a course of action. Therefore, the extent of any decrease in incarceration would depend on how state officials interpret and implement the measure.

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Approved by California voters in 2014, Proposition 47 reclassified several nonviolent drug and property crimes from felonies to misdemeanors, with the result that state prison is generally no longer a sentencing option for these offenses. Instead, individuals convicted of a Prop. 47 offense serve their sentence in county jail and/or receive local probation. As a result, the reforms initiated by Prop. 47 are intertwined with local criminal justice funding and policy decisions.

Against this backdrop, the California Budget & Policy Center collaborated with Californians for Safety and Justice to create a guide to help local advocates promote criminal justice reforms through their own county’s budget process. In addition to explaining the basics of county budgeting, this guide provides a framework for investigating the impacts of Prop. 47 on county budgets. This framework highlights how recent criminal justice reforms — such as Prop. 47 — have affected county jails and probation departments and includes a series of questions that advocates can pose to county officials to help evaluate the impact of Prop. 47 at the local level.

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