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The COVID-19 public health crisis has upended the lives of Californians. Millions of people have experienced serious disruptions to their jobs following social distancing public health recommendations and state and local shelter-in-place orders aimed at slowing the spread of the virus. While necessary to prevent overwhelming the state’s health care system, the business reductions and closures forced by these orders will have a severe economic impact on Californians and the state’s economy.

This Fact Sheet shows that the industries most immediately impacted by the COVID-19-related economic shutdown employ several million people in California.1 Without a sufficient federal response to help workers and their families, the shutdown will have a ripple effect throughout the economy as people who lose work will lose income and be forced to cut back on their spending, thus reducing demand for business more broadly.

1Although many people employed in these industries have likely lost work in recent weeks, there are notable exceptions. For example, within transportation and warehousing, there has been increased demand for jobs supported by online shopping.

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In the 1950s and 1960s, policymakers in California and elsewhere began reducing the use of state hospitals to treat people with mental illness – a policy known as “deinstitutionalization.” However, the lack of robust treatment alternatives led to a growing number of people with mental health conditions becoming homeless and, in many cases, incarcerated.1 As a result, prisons and jails have been turned into “America’s…new mental hospitals,” even though it is clear that correctional facilities are highly inappropriate places to house and treat people with mental illness.2

State prisons. Nearly 37,000 people incarcerated at the state level – almost 29% of the total – received mental health treatment in December 2018.3 This was up from about 32,500 – less than 25% of the total – in April 2013. California is projected to spend about $800 million on mental health care in state prisons under Governor Newsom’s proposed 2020-21 state budget. This is more than one-fifth (22%) of total projected health-related spending for state prisoners ($3.6 billion).

County jails. In September 2019, California’s county jails housed 72,806 people on any given day (average daily population).4 Many of these individuals need mental health care. Point-in-time statewide data for September 30, 2019 show that 20,023 people in jail had an open mental health case and 18,020 were receiving psychotropic medication.5 In Los Angeles County, which has the largest jail population in the state, an average of 30% of people in jail on any given day in 2018 — about 5,100 out of roughly 17,000 — “were in mental health housing units and/or prescribed psychotropic medications.”6

While California must continue to improve health care for people who are incarcerated, reforms are also needed to address the connections between mental health and the criminal justice system so that Californians who need mental health treatment receive the appropriate care in a timely manner rather than being confined in state prisons or county jails.

 


For more information on the state’s system, check out “Mental Health in California: Understanding Prevalence, System Connections, Service Delivery, and Funding”.

Support for the Budget Center’s work on behavioral health is provided by the California Health Care Foundation.

1 E. Fuller Torrey, et al., The Treatment of Persons With Mental Illness in Prisons and Jails: A State Survey (Treatment Advocacy Center and National Sheriffs’ Association: April 8, 2014), pp. 11-13; Jen Rushforth, “Guilty by Reason of Insanity: Unforeseen Consequences of California’s Deinstitutionalization Policy,” Themis: Research Journal of Justice Studies and Forensic Science 3 (Spring 2015), pp. 30-35;  Matt Vogel, Katherine D. Stephens, and Darby Siebels, “Mental Illness and the Criminal Justice System,” Sociology Compass 8 (June 2014), pp. 629-630.

2 The quotation is from E. Fuller Torrey, et al., More Mentally Ill Persons Are in Jails and Prisons Than Hospitals: A Survey of the States (Treatment Advocacy Center and National Sheriffs’ Association: May 2010), p. 1. See also Stanford Law School Three Strikes Project, When Did Prisons Become Acceptable Mental Healthcare Facilities? (February 2015).

3 Prison population and expenditure data cited in this paragraph are from the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation and the Department of Finance, respectively.

4 Statewide jail population data cited in this paragraph are from the Board of State and Community Corrections.

5 State data do not indicate how many people fall into both categories; the overlap may be substantial. Average daily population data are not directly comparable to point-in-time data. Point-in-time data for several counties were unavailable, so the reported numbers of open mental health cases and people receiving psychotropic medications are likely somewhat low.

6 Stephanie Brooks Holliday, et al., Estimating the Size of the Los Angeles County Jail Mental Health Population Appropriate for Release Into Community Services (RAND Corporation: January 2020).

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As California works to improve access to behavioral health services (mental health and substance use), policymakers should keep in mind the various socioeconomic factors that can contribute to the development of mental health conditions for children, youth, and adults. Research suggests that low levels of household income and mental health conditions are related.1 In addition, experiencing racism and discrimination negatively impacts mental health for multiple racial/ethnic groups, especially for children and adolescents.2 Left unaddressed, chronic stress due to experiencing poverty and/or racism can affect a child’s development and can lead to behavioral problems.3

In California, nearly 1 in 6 adults experience mental illness and 1 in 25 experience a serious mental illness.4

Serious mental illness is more common among Californians with low incomes. In 2015 – the most recent year for which these data are available – about 1 in 11 adults with incomes below the federal poverty line (FPL) had a serious mental illness. The 2015 FPL was $12,331 for a single person and $24,036 for a family of four.

Native American adults experienced the highest rates of serious mental illness in 2015, followed by Black, multiracial, and Latinx adults. White, Pacific Islander, and Asian adults experienced lower rates of serious mental illness.

* KEY TERMS: Mental illness is defined as a mental, behavioral, or emotional disorder that can vary in impact, ranging from no impairment to mild, moderate, and even severe impairment. Serious mental illness is defined as a mental, behavioral, or emotional disorder resulting in serious functional impairment, which substantially interferes with or limits one or more major life activities.5

Nearly 1 in 13 California children and youth experience a serious emotional disturbance.

Serious emotional disturbance is most common among children and youth in families with the lowest incomes. In 2015, an estimated 1 in 10 children and youth in families living in poverty experienced a serious emotional disturbance.

Black, Latinx, Native American, and Pacific Islander children experienced the highest rates of serious emotional disturbance (at or near 8%), while rates for multiracial, Asian, and white children were just under 7%.

* KEY TERMS: Serious emotional disturbance applies to children and youth age 17 and under who have, or during the past year have had, a diagnosable mental, behavioral, or emotional disorder resulting in functional impairment that substantially interferes with or limits functioning in family, school, or community activities.6

A greater understanding of the socioeconomic factors can help advance policies that address the racial discrimination and economic disparities many California families face and lead to improved behavioral health outcomes.


For more information on the state’s system, check out “Mental Health in California: Understanding Prevalence, System Connections, Service Delivery, and Funding”.

Support for the Budget Center’s work on behavioral health is provided by the California Health Care Foundation.

1 Jitender Sareen, et al., “Relationship Between Household Income and Mental Disorders,” Archives of General Psychiatry 68 (April 2011), pp. 419–427.

2 Anissa I. Vines, Julia B. Ward, and Kristin Z. Black, “Perceived Racial/Ethnic Discrimination and Mental Health: a Review and Future Directions for Social Epidemiology,” Current Epidemiology Reports 4 (June 2017), pp. 156–165. See also, Aprile D. Benner et al., “Racial/Ethnic Discrimination and Well-Being During Adolescence: A Meta-Analytic Review,” American Psychologist 73 (2018), pp. 855-883.

3 Harvard University Center on the Developing Child, ACEs and Toxic Stress (n.d.). See also American Academy of Pediatrics, American Academy of Pediatrics Recommends Pediatricians Screen for Poverty at Check-ups and Help Eliminate its Toxic Health Effects (March 9, 2016).

4 The prevalence estimates for mental illness and serious emotional disturbance were developed by Dr. Charles Holzer and Dr. Hoang Nguyen using a sociodemographic risk model. For a description of the methodology used to develop these estimates, see page 53 in Mental Health in California: For Too Many, Care Not There.

5 National Institute of Mental Health, Mental Illness (February 2019).

6 Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration, DSM-5 Changes: Implications for Child Serious Emotional Disturbance (June 2016).

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Too many families and individuals in all regions of California struggle to afford the costs of housing, child care, health care, food, and other basic necessities – with serious consequences for health and well-being that can also affect the broader community and economy. Many families that include immigrants face particular challenges to maintaining economic security, even in a strong economy, due to jobs with low wages, unstable work, and the “chilling effect” of recent anti-immigrant federal actions. An economic downturn would likely hit these families and their communities especially hard.

At the same time, refundable income tax credits are proven and powerful tools to boost economic security for families and individuals, and California policymakers have made significant state investments in the state’s Earned Income Tax Credit – the CalEITC – and new Young Child Tax Credit.

However, hundreds of thousands of immigrant families are currently excluded from the

CalEITC and Young Child Tax Credit. State lawmakers can choose to include these Californians with a simple change to filing requirements for these tax credits. Doing so would boost economic security for families and individuals in every legislative district, while pumping millions of dollars into local economies throughout California.

Find our estimated economic benefit by each Senate and Assembly District in California below and the boost local economies would see if policymakers expanded the CalEITC and Young Child Tax Credit to all California who work and pay taxes.

California State Senate

Click below to get the Fact Sheet for your state senate district. (Find your representative)

District   1 –  Sen.  Brian Dahle (R) District   21 –  Sen.  Scott Wilk (R)
District   2 –  Sen.  Mike McGuire (D) District   22 –  Sen.  Susan Rubio (D)
District   3 –  Sen.  Bill Dodd (D) District   23 –  Sen.  Mike Morrell (R)
District   4 –  Sen.  Jim Nielsen (R) District   24 –  Sen.  Maria Elena Durazo (D)
District   5 –  Sen.  Cathleen Galgiani (D) District   25 –  Sen.  Anthony Portantino (D) 
District   6 –  Sen.  Richard Pan (D) District   26 –  Sen.  Ben Allen (D)
District   7 –  Sen.  Steve Glazer (D) District   27 –  Sen.  Henry Stern (D)
District   8 –  Sen.  Andreas Borgeas (R) District   28 –  VACANT
District   9 –  Sen.  Nancy Skinner (D) District   29 –  Sen.  Ling Ling Chang (R) 
District   10 –  Sen.  Bob Wieckowski (D) District   30 –  Sen.  Holly Mitchell (D)
District   11 –  Sen.  Scott Wiener (D) District   31 –  Sen.  Richard Roth (D)
District   12 –  Sen.  Anna Caballero (D) District   32 –  Sen.  Bob Archuleta (D)
District   13 –  Sen.  Jerry Hill (D) District   33 –  Sen.  Lena Gonzalez (D)
District   14 –  Sen.  Melissa Hurtado (D) District   34 –  Sen.  Tom Umberg (D)
District   15 –  Sen.  Jim Beall (D) District   35 –  Sen.  Steven Bradford (D)
District   16 –  Sen.  Shannon Grove (R) District   36 –  Sen.  Patricia Bates (R)
District   17 –  Sen.  Bill Monning (D) District   37 –  Sen.  John Moorlach (R)
District   18 –  Sen.  Bob Hertzberg (D) District   38 –  Sen.  Brian Jones (R)
District   19 –  Sen.  Hannah-Beth Jackson (D) District   39 –  Sen.  Toni Atkins (D)
District   20 –  Sen.  Connie Leyva (D) District   40 –  Sen.  Ben Hueso (D)

California State Assembly

Click below to get the Fact Sheet for your state assembly district. (Find your representative)

District  1 –  Asm.  Megan Dahle (R) District  41 –  Asm.  Chris Holden (D)
District  2 –  Asm.  Jim Wood (D) District  42 –  Asm.  Chad Mayes (I)
District  3 –  Asm.  James Gallagher (R) District  43 –  Asm.  Laura Friedman (D)
District  4 –  Asm.  Cecilia Aguiar-Curry (D) District  44 –  Asm.  Jacqui Irwin (D)
District  5 –  Asm.  Frank Bigelow (R) District  45 –  Asm.  Jesse Gabriel (D)
District  6 –  Asm.  Kevin Kiley (R) District  46 –  Asm.  Adrin Nazarian (D)
District  7 –  Asm.  Kevin McCarty (D) District  47 –  Asm.  Eloise Gomez Reyes (D)
District  8 –  Asm.  Ken Cooley (D) District  48 –  Asm.  Blanca Rubio (D)
District  9 –  Asm.  Jim Cooper (D) District  49 –  Asm.  Ed Chau (D)
District  10 –  Asm.  Marc Levine (D) District  50 –  Asm.  Richard Bloom (D)
District  11 –  Asm.  Jim Frazier (D) District  51 –  Asm.  Wendy Carrillo (D)
District  12 –  Asm.  Heath Flora (R) District  52 –  Asm.  Freddie Rodriguez (D)
District  13 –  Asm.  Susan Eggman (D) District  53 –  Asm.  Miguel Santiago (D)
District  14 –  Asm.  Tim Grayson (D) District  54 –  Asm.  Sydney Kamlager-Dove (D)
District  15 –  Asm.  Buffy Wicks (D) District  55 –  Asm.  Phillip Chen (R)
District  16 –  Asm.  Rebecca Bauer-Kahan (D) District  56 –  Asm.  Eduardo Garcia (D)
District  17 –  Asm.  David Chiu (D) District  57 –  Asm.  Ian Calderon (D)
District  18 –  Asm.  Rob Bonta (D) District  58 –  Asm.  Cristina Garcia (D)
District  19 –  Asm.  Phil Ting (D) District  59 –  Asm.  Reggie Jones-Sawyer (D)
District  20 –  Asm.  Bill Quirk (D) District  60 –  Asm.  Sabrina Cervantes (D)
District  21 –  Asm.  Adam Gray (D) District  61 –  Asm.  Jose Medina (D)
District  22 –  Asm.  Kevin Mullin (D) District  62 –  Asm.  Autumn Burke (D)
District  23 –  Asm.  Jim Patterson (R) District  63 –  Asm.  Anthony Rendon (D)
District  24 –  Asm.  Marc Berman (D) District  64 –  Asm.  Mike Gipson (D)
District  25 –  Asm.  Kansen Chu (D) District  65 –  Asm.  Sharon Quirk-Silva (D)
District  26 –  Asm.  Devon Mathis (R) District  66 –  Asm.  Al Muratsuchi (D)
District  27 –  Asm.  Ash Kalra (D) District  67 –  Asm.  Melissa Melendez (R)
District  28 –  Asm.  Evan Low (D) District  68 –  Asm.  Steven Choi (R)
District  29 –  Asm.  Mark Stone (D) District  69 –  Asm.  Tom Daly (D)
District  30 –  Asm.  Robert Rivas (D) District  70 –  Asm.  Patrick O’Donnell (D)
District  31 –  Asm.  Joaquin Arambula (D) District  71 –  Asm.  Randy Voepel (R)
District  32 –  Asm.  Rudy Salas (D) District  72 –  Asm.  Tyler Diep (R)
District  33 –  Asm.  Jay Obernolte (R) District  73 –  Asm.  Bill Brough (R)
District  34 –  Asm.  Vince Fong (R) District  74 –  Asm.  Cottie Petrie-Norris (D)
District  35 –  Asm.  Jordan Cunningham (R) District  75 –  Asm.  Marie Waldron (R)
District  36 –  Asm.  Tom Lackey (R) District  76 –  Asm.  Tasha Boerner Horvath (D)
District  37 –  Asm.  Monique Limon (D) District  77 –  Asm.  Brian Maienschein (D)
District  38 –  Asm.  Christy Smith (D) District  78 –  Asm.  Todd Gloria (D)
District  39 –  Asm.  Luz Rivas (D) District  79 –  Asm.  Shirley Weber (D)
District  40 –  Asm.  James Ramos (D) District  80 –  Asm.  Lorena Gonzalez (D)

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Supplemental Security Income/State Supplementary Payment (SSI/SSP) grants are a critical source of income for well over 1 million California seniors and people with disabilities who have low incomes and need help paying for basic necessities, such as housing. Grants are funded with both federal (SSI) and state (SSP) dollars. The maximum monthly grant for an individual is about $944, which consists of an SSI grant of $783 and an SSP grant of $160.72.

To help close budget shortfalls during the Great Recession, the state made deep cuts to the SSP portion, reducing it from $233 per month in early 2009 to $156.40 per month by mid-2011. State policymakers increased the SSP grant by $4.32 per month starting in January 2017. However, no additional state grant increases have been provided since then, and the Governor’s proposed 2020-21 state budget assumes the SSP portion will remain frozen for another year.

Because state cuts largely remain in place, SSI/SSP recipients have less money to meet their basic needs, including housing. This is particularly concerning in light of California’s high housing costs. In all 58 California counties, the “Fair Market Rent” (FMR) for a studio apartment exceeds 50% of the maximum SSI/SSP grant for an individual. Moreover, the studio FMR exceeds the entire grant in 22 counties. People are at greater risk of becoming homeless when housing costs account for more than half of household income.

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Nearly 2.6 million California K-12 public school students (41.8%) bring a linguistic asset with them to school every day: living in homes where a language other than English is spoken. A majority of these students (1.4 million) demonstrate English proficiency during their school years. But students’ home language skills are often neglected at school and that means many do not receive the state biliteracy designation on their high school diplomas that could benefit students as they apply for higher education and employment opportunities. California can change this trend of overlooking the language assets of its K-12 students by increasing its supply of adequately trained bilingual education teachers who can help students become biliterate. Increasing the number of bilingual education teachers in California’s classrooms would help improve students’ futures and play an important role in meeting the demand for bilingual workers and boosting the state’s competitiveness in an increasingly globalized economy.

While California has taken some important steps in recent years to help bilingual students achieve biliteracy, the state faces significant challenges in meeting the need for adequately trained bilingual education teachers who can support these students. Voters ended restrictions to bilingual programs by approving Proposition 58 in November 2016. The following year the State Board of Education adopted the California English Learner Roadmap and the Legislature established the Bilingual Teacher Professional Development Program. In that time, the demand for bilingual education teachers has grown — as it has every year since 2012-13 when school districts estimated hiring close to 220 bilingual education teachers. By 2017-18, that number had increased by nearly 250%, to an estimate of roughly 760.

The shortage of adequately trained bilingual education teachers adds to the challenge of increasing demand.1 One way to assess that shortage is to look at the number of teachers who have been authorized to teach bilingually in recent years, which pales in comparison to the number of K-12 students who live in homes where languages other than English are spoken. Specifically, a large imbalance exists between 1) the number of students who live in homes where one of the top 10 languages is spoken and 2) teachers who earned an authorization to teach in those languages from 2008-09 to 2017-18 (See Table). For example, while Spanish-speaking teachers earned the largest share of bilingual authorizations during this period, the number of students who lived in Spanish-speaking homes in 2017-18 was substantially higher, resulting in a ratio of more than 250-to-1. The ratio for most other languages was even more imbalanced: more than 2,000-to-1 for students from Vietnamese-speaking homes, nearly 3,200-to-1 for Filipino-speaking homes, and more than 6,800-to-1 for Arabic-speaking homes.

The bilingual education teacher shortage is a significant obstacle preventing California students from achieving biliteracy. To address this shortage, policymakers can take additional steps to encourage people to become bilingual education teachers, support and retain them, and diversify the languages that those educators are prepared to teach. For example, the Legislature should extend and increase the modest $5 million provided for the Bilingual Teacher Professional Development Program, funding that will run out in 2020. Policymakers should also create systems to track and report students who receive the State Seal of Biliteracy and use this information to recruit, and diversify the languages of, bilingual education teachers, incentivize and prioritize career and technical education funding that creates pathways for bilingual educators, and increase the number of universities offering programs that authorize bilingual education teachers.

The language assets of California’s K-12 students present key opportunities. Increasing the supply of adequately trained bilingual education teachers is necessary to leverage those opportunities so more students can achieve biliteracy and the state can meet the demands of an increasingly globalized economy.


Support for the California Budget & Policy Center’s research and analysis of K-12 education issues is provided by the Sobrato Family Foundation and the Stuart Foundation.

1For a discussion of the shortage of bilingual teachers see the 2017 survey conducted by Californians Together.

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California has a key advantage in meeting the increasing demand for a multi-lingual workforce: nearly 2.6 million K-12 public school students who live in homes where a language other than English is spoken. A majority of these students (1.4 million) have demonstrated English proficiency either when they started school or after being categorized as English learners. However, only a small share of these students have been able to demonstrate literacy in their home language — a sign that policymakers and education leaders are missing a key opportunity to leverage the language assets of the state’s students. Increasing the number of bilingual students who achieve biliteracy is a worthwhile goal that can improve their life outcomes and the state’s competitiveness in an increasingly globalized economy.

To encourage biliteracy and recognize students’ language skills, California established the State Seal of Biliteracy program in 2012. Any school district, county office of education, or charter school can offer the Seal of Biliteracy to high school graduates who achieve a high level of literacy and fluency in English and at least one other language. The State Seal of Biliteracy is free, voluntary, and schools can adopt it using an easy on-line form. However, while a majority of California school districts that issue high school diplomas offered the Seal of Biliteracy to their students in 2018-19, more than 3 in 10 (31.8%) did not.

Relatively few California students who live in homes where a language other than English is spoken receive the Seal of Biliteracy, despite the language assets they bring to the state’s classrooms. Any student who does not become biliterate represents a missed opportunity. But, this is especially true for students who live in homes where a language other than English is spoken and are also proficient in English: Five in six — more than 146,000 — of these “qualified” 12th grade students did not receive the Seal of Biliteracy in 2017-18.

Why aren’t more students receiving Seals of Biliteracy? One reason may be that the State Seal of Biliteracy has not been adopted by their schools. The remedy for this problem is easy: All school districts, county offices of education, and charter schools that award high school diplomas should adopt the Seal and offer it to their graduates. Other causes may be more challenging to address. For example, California lacks the number of adequately trained bilingual educators needed to deliver instruction in the home languages of the state’s large number of bilingual students, especially given the diversity of those languages.1 Ironically, the state could help meet its bilingual teacher shortage if even a small fraction of bilingual students who receive the Seal of Biliteracy became bilingual educators. The Seal is an important step toward identifying these students. But if California wants to employ bilingual students to address the state’s bilingual teacher shortage it will need to do a better job tracking those who receive the Seal of Biliteracy and providing them the support they need to become teachers. California’s State Seal of Biliteracy can encourage bilingual students to become biliterate, but unless schools adopt the program students will not be able to demonstrate biliteracy. Even if schools adopt the State Seal of Biliteracy, until they have qualified bilingual educators many students who are bilingual will not be able to achieve biliteracy.

Policymakers and education leaders can take key next steps in promoting California’s bilingual opportunities, including encouraging schools to adopt the Seal of Biliteracy, setting up tracking of students who receive Seal designations on their diplomas, and using this collective information to recruit and support qualified bilingual educators. This can all help leverage the language assets of the state’s large number of bilingual students to assist more Californians to become biliterate and strengthen our state’s workforce.


Support for the California Budget & Policy Center’s research and analysis of K-12 education issues is provided by the Sobrato Family Foundation and the Stuart Foundation.

1 Not graduating from high school is another reason students may not receive the Seal of Biliteracy.

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Every day, millions of California students come to school with an invaluable asset: living in homes where a language other than English is spoken. However, this asset is often squandered as many of these students do not become literate in their home language. Achieving biliteracy benefits the students who are proficient in more than one language, the schools and colleges they attend, and the communities where these bilingual Californians live and eventually work. A large body of research, including studies cited in last year’s Getting Down to Facts II report, shows that “bilingual education, on average, benefits English Learner (EL) students, resulting in improved outcomes in English proficiency, target language proficiency, reclassification, academic performance, and social outcomes.” The report also cited research that points to the “important economic, cognitive, and cross-cultural benefits” of bilingualism, including the economic demand for bilingual workers. California has an opportunity to meet this demand given its large number of students who speak a language other than English at home. The question is whether the state can leverage that opportunity to improve the lives of these students, and also the state’s competitiveness in an increasingly globalized economy.

California’s K-12 schools educate a large number of students who live in a home where a language other than English is spoken. The state labels these students by three categories early in their education:

  1. English learner ⁠— students who have yet to demonstrate English proficiency;
  2. Reclassified fluent English proficient ⁠— students who previously were English learners and have been reclassified; and
  3. Initial fluent English proficient ⁠— students who demonstrate English proficiency when they enter school.

Grouped together, this universe of students is nearly 2.6 million in California’s public schools (41.8% of K-12 public school enrollment). By the state’s categories it’s: 1.2 million students who are classified as English learners (19.3%), 1.1 million students reclassified fluent English proficient (18.3%), and 261,000 students classified as initial fluent English proficient. (4.2%).

Few question the need for all California students to become literate in English and the 1.1 million English learners who have been reclassified as fluent English proficient signal progress toward that goal. However, labeling these students based on their English proficiency indicates their home language may be seen as a challenge to overcome rather than an asset. This may help explain why many of the state’s students who live in a home where a language other than English is spoken often are not provided the education required to achieve literacy in their family language. While students who speak more than one language are bilingual, they are not biliterate if they can’t read and write in more than one language. Until California prioritizes quality bilingual education for these students, the state will continue to miss opportunities to help Californians achieve biliteracy and leverage their language assets in our schools and workplaces.

California has taken some important steps in recent years to help bilingual students achieve biliteracy. Voters approved Proposition 58 in November 2016, which ended restrictions to bilingual programs that had been in place for nearly two decades and hindered students’ ability to become biliterate. The following year, the State Board of Education adopted the California English Learner Roadmap that intends to strengthen policies, programs, and practices for students classified as English learners. One key principle of the Roadmap includes building the capacity of educators to leverage the strengths and meet the needs of these students. Paradoxically, a key obstacle to leveraging the language assets of California’s students is a shortage of bilingual educators. A 2017 survey  conducted by Californians Together indicated a majority of K-12 districts (58%) planned to expand their bilingual programs. However, a large share of these districts (86%) said that their supply of bilingual teachers was insufficient to meet the staffing needs of those planned expansions.

Policymakers should look to students who speak languages other than English as an opportunity to help more Californians become biliterate, prepare for the workforce, and improve the state’s competitiveness in an increasingly globalized economy. With quality educational programs and adequate support, students who speak languages other than English can achieve biliteracy and improve knowledge and expertise in our workplaces and communities.


Support for the California Budget & Policy Center’s research and analysis of K-12 education issues is provided by the Sobrato Family Foundation and the Stuart Foundation.

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