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This post is the first in a California Budget & Policy Center series that will discuss the tax cuts proposed by President Trump and Republican congressional leaders and explore the implications for Californians and the nation.

Now that Republican leaders in Washington, DC, have moved on from their latest failed effort to repeal the Affordable Care Act, they have quickly turned their attention to a combination of tax cuts and deep spending reductions that together would have dire implications for many low- and middle-income people in California and across the nation. In September, the Trump Administration and leaders in the US House of Representatives and Senate unveiled their unified tax framework, which would provide significant tax cuts that predominantly benefit the wealthy.

Republican leaders are developing the full details of their tax plan in parallel with efforts to enact a budget for fiscal year 2018, and in order to offset the costs of tax cuts they are also seeking draconian cuts in spending on an array of critical programs and services. Congressional rules allow for a “fast track” process to pass tax cuts and certain spending reductions with a simple majority in the Senate (without needing any Democratic votes) — a process known as “reconciliation.” If GOP leaders pursue their proposed tax cuts, they will enact a massive redistribution of wealth that would be, in part, paid for through budget cuts to programs that help low- and middle-income families make ends meet and access greater economic opportunity.

Latest GOP Tax Plan Skews Benefits to the Wealthy

Despite their stated goal of providing a tax cut for middle-class families, the latest GOP framework would provide the vast majority of its benefits to wealthier Americans and corporations. For instance, the current tax framework is most specific about repealing the estate tax;  ending the Alternative Minimum Tax (AMT); cutting corporate tax rates; potentially lowering the highest income tax rates; and preserving tax preferences for mortgage interest — in short, a range of benefits that accrue disproportionately to wealthier households.

In contrast, the tax proposal’s benefits for working families are less explicit — and apparently far less substantial. Based on information released so far, the clearest proposals benefiting middle-class households are a doubling of the standard deduction and an unspecified increase in the Child Tax Credit, though the tax framework also includes some vague language about future “additional measures.” However, accounting for changes like the elimination of personal exemptions and an increase in the bottom marginal income tax rate for some filers, many low- and middle-income families could see little benefit, if any.

Though the President had promised that the rich “will not be gaining at all with this plan,” the numbers tell a different story. In fact, a recent analysis of the GOP tax package points to a vastly unfair distribution of its benefits. According to the nonpartisan Institute on Taxation and Economic Policy, the top 1 percent of households — a group whose annual incomes are at least $615,800 and average over $2 million — would receive over two-thirds of the tax cuts in 2018 (see chart below), an amount equivalent to 4.3 percent of this group’s pre-tax income. The bottom 60 percent of Americans, however, would receive 11.4 percent of the tax cuts, equal to a meager 0.7 percent of this group’s total income. What’s more, these Americans would be most likely to be affected by corresponding federal spending cuts that GOP leaders are proposing to offset the overall cost of the tax cuts.

In other words, the latest GOP tax plan is heavily skewed to benefiting the wealthiest households in the US, likely at the expense of many low- and middle-income households.

The regressive impacts of this tax framework may be even greater in some states. Here in California, an even larger share of the tax cuts — almost 82 percent — would go to just the top 1 percent of earners in 2018, with another 16.6 percent going to the next 4 percent, and the rest of the benefits spread across the remaining income levels (see chart below). The richest 1 percent of California earners — those making more than $864,900 a year — would receive an average tax cut of $90,160. In contrast, middle-income households — making between $47,200 and $75,500 a year — would receive a much smaller average tax cut of $470, and the lowest income households — those making less than $27,300 a year — would receive a tax cut of $120. For many of these low- and middle-income households the benefits of these marginal tax cuts would likely be offset by significant cuts to federal programs and services including health care, housing, food assistance, and job training assistance, among others.  

Revenue Losses Would Hurt the Economy and Struggling Households

The latest GOP plan would also come at a huge cost in lost revenues. Estimates of the resulting revenue loss vary from $2.2 trillion to $2.4 trillion over the next decade. While the plan purports to add $1.5 trillion to the federal debt over the next decade, yet-to-emerge details about the plan and likely compromises on some of the plan’s more controversial proposals (such as the elimination of the federal deduction for state and local taxes, widely known as the “SALT” deduction) could result in a much larger increase in federal debt.

The Trump Administration insists that the tax cuts will boost economic growth and pay for themselves, but analysts agree that this scenario is highly unlikely. Rather, in order to minimize the costs of the tax plan, the GOP would likely respond by attempting to further slash entitlement programs like the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP), Medicaid, Medicare, and other parts of the federal budget that include funding for housing, job training, and other assistance. These cuts would likely have negative impacts on the economy by destabilizing economic conditions of millions of households who rely upon those programs to help make ends meet and to access greater economic opportunity.

Tax Plan Is Particularly Bad for California

The combination of GOP tax and budget proposals would be particularly harmful for many Californians and for the state of California.

In terms of budget cuts, the significant cuts to Medicaid and SNAP (Medi-Cal and CalFresh in California) would likely result in reduced or eliminated benefits for millions of Californians with low incomes — over 13 million (34.2 percent) who are enrolled in Medi-Cal and over 4 million (10.8 percent) who receive food assistance through CalFresh.

These cuts would also likely undermine California’s fiscal health, forcing state leaders to choose between destabilizing the state budget by trying to fill fiscal holes as a result of federal tax and budget cuts or, on the other hand, destabilizing vulnerable individuals and communities across the state by reducing benefits.

Some California taxpayers would also see significant increases in their tax bills. For instance, the majority of Californians earning $129,500 to $303,200 annually — which can actually be considered a “middle class” income in the many parts of California where costs of living are significantly higher than much of the country — would see a nearly $4,000 increase in their annual federal tax bills. This increase is largely the result of the repeal of the SALT deduction, mentioned earlier.

In short, the GOP tax and budget plans would increase the tax bills of some Californians, providing minimal tax cuts for many others, while reducing vital public assistance, all in pursuit of providing large tax cuts to the very wealthiest households and corporations.

A Better Path

Congress can still choose a more fiscally and economically responsible path. Instead of providing tax cuts that overwhelmingly go to the wealthiest households and corporations, cutting vital public programs and services, losing trillions of dollars in revenues, and adding significantly to the federal debt, Congress could seek to enact policies that move our nation in the right direction. Federal tax and budget policies should focus on making investments that enable our communities to thrive, help the most vulnerable, and broaden economic prosperity. Any federal tax cuts should be weighted toward those who need them most, and should be revenue-neutral, with lost revenues from tax cuts offset by other revenue increases (new taxes or closed loopholes) that are fairly distributed across the income spectrum.

It will be important to pay attention to which path our elected officials in Washington choose in the coming weeks and months. Their actions may mean that Californians would face the prospect of holding their congressional representatives accountable for decisions that would disproportionately — and negatively — impact our state.

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For the Bay Area Asset Funders Network’s “Public Policy Updates and the Implications on Asset Building for Low-Income Families,” Executive Director Chris Hoene delivered his presentation “The Implications of Federal Budget & Tax Proposals for California.”

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Whether renting an apartment or seeking to purchase a home, Californians face very high housing costs in many parts of the state.

High Rents Are Unaffordable to Households with Low and Moderate Incomes

Typical rents for a modest two-bedroom apartment in the areas where nearly two-thirds of Californians live are $1,500 or more per month — a level that is unaffordable for residents with low and moderate incomes.[1]  Affordable housing costs are defined by the US Department of Housing and Urban Development (HUD) as costing 30 percent or less of household income. By HUD’s standard, a family would need at least $60,000 in annual income to afford a monthly rent of $1,500 — an income that would require 110 hours of work per week at the current state minimum wage of $10.50 per hour.[2]

However, rents vary substantially across California. Rents are highest in coastal urban areas, while rents in the Central Valley and in northern inland areas are significantly less expensive, in many cases less than $1,000 per month for a modest two-bedroom apartment. Nonetheless, even these more affordable rents are beyond the reach of many Californians. Rent that is affordable for a full-time minimum-wage worker can be no more than $546 per month — which is lower than HUD’s two-bedroom Fair Market Rent in every part of California.[3]  This means that a single parent working full-time at minimum wage cannot expect to afford a modest two-bedroom apartment for her family anywhere in California.

High Home Prices Put Ownership Out of Reach for Californians With Moderate Incomes

For many middle-income Californians, buying a home is an important goal and part of achieving the “American dream” — but home purchase prices are out of reach for many households with moderate incomes.

Two-thirds of Californians live in areas where the median sales price for a single-family home is $500,000 or more. To purchase a half-million-dollar home while keeping housing expenses to no more than 30 percent of income requires an annual income of roughly $145,000, well over twice the state median household income. In addition to the high annual income required to afford monthly ownership expenses, making a 20 percent down-payment on a home that costs half a million dollars requires $100,000 in savings. Furthermore, nearly 1 in 10 Californians live in a county where the median sales price for a single-family home is $1 million or more — only affordable to households with annual incomes of roughly $244,000 or more, with $200,000 in savings required for a 20 percent down-payment.

Like rents, home sales prices vary greatly throughout the state. In many inland areas of the state, typical home prices are less than $250,000. However, these less expensive areas tend to have substantially lower household incomes than the more expensive parts of the state. In fact, even in the county with the least-expensive median home price (Lassen County), the income required to afford the median-priced home is more than 150 percent of the local median income.

Policies That Slow the Growth in Housing Costs Can Help Families and the State Economy

California’s high housing costs create serious burdens for families and individuals with low incomes, who are likely to struggle to afford typical rents even when working full-time. Those with moderate incomes are affected by the state’s high housing costs as well, as high home sale prices put the dream of homeownership out of reach for many. High housing costs can also restrict the ability of families to relocate to access jobs or move close to family, and can push families to live farther from their jobs, leading to longer commutes, which cause increased pollution and reduced time with family. High housing costs also negatively affect the state economy by making it more difficult for employers to recruit workers and deterring individuals from moving to or remaining in California, thus limiting the available labor force and dampening economic growth.

Policy solutions are urgently needed to prevent housing costs from further escalating and to make more housing available that is affordable to lower-income households. Strategies such as subsidizing the development of affordable housing and facilitating more private housing production can help increase the supply of housing, including units affordable to residents with low incomes, thus reducing pressure on costs. These and other policy approaches need to be seriously considered in order to address the negative impacts of California’s high housing costs.


Endnotes

[1] Rents reflect Fair Market Rents (FMR) for 2017, published annually by the US Department of Housing and Urban Development. FMRs are based on the 40th percentile (in a few cases 50th percentile) of gross rents, or rent including utilities, paid by renters within a specific metropolitan area or rural county who moved into their housing units within the past 15 months. FMRs are broadly representative of typical rents paid within a metropolitan area, and are adjusted by HUD to account for expected inflation in housing costs, but they may be lower than the current asking rents for vacant apartments in particularly high-demand cities or neighborhoods within a larger metropolitan area, or in areas where asking rents have been increasing very rapidly.

[2] Minimum wage as of January 1, 2017 for employers with at least 26 employees. See https://www.dir.ca.gov/dlse/faq_minimumwage.htm.

[3] Assumes 40 hours of work per week at the $10.50 minimum wage for employees of large firms as of January 1, 2017. See https://www.dir.ca.gov/dlse/faq_minimumwage.htm.

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A number of current proposals at the federal level, put forth by the Trump Administration and congressional leaders, call for deep spending cuts to many important public services and systems that improve the lives of individuals and families across California. These cuts are proposed at a time when both President Trump and leaders in the House of Representatives have signaled support for major tax cuts that would largely benefit the wealthy and large corporations.

Although federal spending deliberations occur far from California, their outcomes have deep potential impacts right here at home, in every part of our state. In order to shed light on the local importance of federal budget choices, as well as underscore what’s at stake in the votes cast by members of California’s congressional delegation, we are pleased to provide these House district Fact Sheets. They provide district-by-district figures on public services and supports across four areas — food and shelter, health care, income support, and education — along with local information on social and economic conditions.

Click below to get the Fact Sheet for your district. (Find your representative)

District 1 – Rep. Doug LaMalfa (R)District 28 – Rep. Adam Schiff (D)
District 2 – Rep. Jared Huffman (D)District 29 – Rep. Tony Cárdenas (D)
District 3 – Rep. John Garamendi (D)District 30 – Rep. Brad Sherman (D)
District 4 – Rep. Tom McClintock (R)District 31 – Rep. Pete Aguilar (D)
District 5 – Rep. Mike Thompson (D)District 32 – Rep. Grace Napolitano (D)
District 6 – Rep. Doris O. Matsui (D)District 33 – Rep. Ted Lieu (D)
District 7 – Rep. Ami Bera (D)District 34 – Rep. Jimmy Gomez (D)
District 8 – Rep. Paul Cook (R)District 35 – Rep. Norma Torres (D)
District 9 – Rep. Jerry McNerney (D)District 36 – Rep. Raul Ruiz (D)
District 10 – Rep. Jeff Denham (R)District 37 – Rep. Karen Bass (D)
District 11 – Rep. Mark DeSaulnier (D)District 38 – Rep. Linda Sánchez (D)
District 12 – Rep. Nancy Pelosi (D)District 39 – Rep. Ed Royce (R)
District 13 – Rep. Barbara Lee (D)District 40 – Rep. Lucille Roybal-Allard (D)
District 14 – Rep. Jackie Speier (D)District 41 – Rep. Mark Takano (D)
District 15 – Rep. Eric Swalwell (D)District 42 – Rep. Ken Calvert (R)
District 16 – Rep. Jim Costa (D)District 43 – Rep. Maxine Waters (D)
District 17 – Rep. Ro Khanna (D)District 44 – Rep. Nanette Barragán (D)
District 18 – Rep. Anna G. Eshoo (D)District 45 – Rep. Mimi Walters (R)
District 19 – Rep. Zoe Lofgren (D)District 46 – Rep. J. Louis Correa (D)
District 20 – Rep. Jimmy Panetta (D)District 47 – Rep. Alan Lowenthal (D)
District 21 – Rep. David Valadao (R)District 48 – Rep. Dana Rohrabacher (R)
District 22 – Rep. Devin Nunes (R)District 49 – Rep. Darrell Issa (R)
District 23 – Rep. Kevin McCarthy (R)District 50 – Rep. Duncan D. Hunter (R)
District 24 – Rep. Salud Carbajal (D)District 51 – Rep. Juan Vargas (D)
District 25 – Rep. Steve Knight (R)District 52 – Rep. Scott Peters (D)
District 26 – Rep. Julia Brownley (D)District 53 – Rep. Susan Davis (D)
District 27 – Rep. Judy Chu (D)

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The Sierra Health Foundation’s Center for Health Program Management hosted a webinar on justice reinvestment for the Positive Youth Justice Initiative (PYJI). Director of Research Scott Graves presented, “Criminal Justice Reforms and County Budgets: A Bird’s-Eye View,” which provided an overview of recent changes in state criminal justice policy that have affected counties.

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At the National Convening of the Young Elected Officials Network, Senior Policy Analyst Sara Kimberlin delivered a presentation on principles of progressive budgeting, including strategies for responding to expected federal spending cuts.

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For the Los Angeles Trust for Children’s Health board retreat, Executive Director Chris Hoene delivered a presentation on the Implications of Federal Budget and Policy Proposals for California, examining federal proposals that pose the biggest threats to children and children’s health and noting key issues and federal budget strategies to watch out for in the near future.

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California’s 2017-18 budget agreement included a major advance for working families who struggle to get by on low incomes. A “trailer bill” included in the budget package significantly expands eligibility for California’s Earned Income Tax Credit, the CalEITC — a refundable state tax credit that helps people who earn little from their jobs to pay for basic necessities.[1] Specifically, this bill 1) allows previously ineligible self-employed workers to qualify for the CalEITC and 2) raises the credit’s income eligibility limits so that workers higher up the income scale can qualify for it. These changes could extend the credit to well over 1 million additional low-income working families beginning in tax year 2017.[2] This represents a significant expansion of the CalEITC given that around half a million families might have been eligible for it prior to the expansion and that roughly 360,000 have annually claimed the credit since it was established in 2015.[3]

This report provides an in-depth look at what the expanded CalEITC means for low-earning Californians. It finds that the higher income limits will allow many more workers living in or near poverty, including single parents working full-time minimum wage jobs, to become eligible for the credit. However, these newly eligible workers will qualify for very modest credits — less than roughly $230 for those with children and under about $84 for those without children. Thus, while the budget agreement makes an important advance for working families by greatly expanding access to the CalEITC, state policymakers could further strengthen this critical tax credit by increasing the benefit these newly eligible workers can receive in future years.

More Low-Earning Self-Employed Workers Will Gain Access to the CalEITC

Prior to the expansion, the CalEITC was the only EITC in the nation that excluded many self-employed workers, such as small-business owners and independent contractors.[4] This exclusion undermined a fundamental purpose of the EITC: to encourage and reward work. The 2017-18 budget agreement ends this exclusion beginning in tax year 2017. As a result, all self-employed workers who meet all other requirements for the CalEITC will be able to benefit from the credit. This change better aligns California’s EITC with the federal EITC and ensures that the state credit incentivizes all types of paid work.

The Income Limits to Qualify for the CalEITC Will Increase Significantly

Prior to the expansion, many workers who struggled to get by were not eligible for the CalEITC because the income limits to qualify for the credit were extremely low. The budget agreement raises these limits in order to allow additional low-earning workers to qualify for the credit. For workers with qualifying children, the new income limit will be $22,300 beginning in tax year 2017 (Table 1). This is more than double the previous income limit for parents with one child and more than one-and-a-half times the previous limit for parents with two or more children. The budget agreement also more than doubles the income limit for workers without qualifying children, from about $6,700 in tax year 2016 to roughly $15,000 in tax year 2017.

Table 1

Higher Income Limit Means More Minimum Wage Workers Will Qualify for the CalEITC

The higher CalEITC income limits will allow more minimum wage workers to benefit from the credit. Prior to the expansion, many minimum wage workers earned too much to qualify for the credit, even though they earned too little to make ends meet given California’s high cost of living. For example, in tax year 2016, families with one child were not eligible for the CalEITC unless they earned less than about $10,000 a year, a salary that translates into working just 19 hours per week at the state minimum wage (Table 2).[5] Families with two or more children did not qualify for the credit unless they earned less than about $14,000 annually, equivalent to working 27 hours per week at the minimum wage. The CalEITC expansion will allow families to work up to 41 hours per week at the state minimum wage to benefit from the credit.[6] This means, for example, that the CalEITC will become available to single parents working full-time at the minimum wage (Figure 1).

Table 2

Figure 1

For workers without qualifying children, the new CalEITC income limit will increase to $15,010. Since this is less than a full-time minimum wage salary, the credit will not be available to full-time minimum wage workers without qualifying children. Nevertheless, this higher threshold means that these workers will be able to work up to 27 hours per week at the minimum wage and still qualify for the credit, up from just 13 hours per week to qualify previously.[7]

Higher CalEITC Income Limit Means More Working Families in Poverty Will Qualify for the CalEITC

Raising the income limits to qualify for the CalEITC will not only allow more minimum wage workers to benefit from the credit, but will also make the credit available to more workers living in or near poverty. Prior to the expansion, the CalEITC’s income limits fell well below the official federal poverty line. As a result, many workers living in poverty were not eligible for the credit. For example, single parents with one child had to earn less than about 62 percent of the poverty line to qualify for the credit. Beginning in tax year 2017, these parents can have incomes up to about 135 percent of the poverty line and still be eligible for the credit (Figure 2). Raising the income limits closer to or above the poverty line is important because many families with incomes this low struggle to afford basic expenses, particularly in high-cost areas of the state.

Figure 2

CalEITC Will “Phase Out” More Gradually, Allowing Workers Higher Up the Income Scale to Qualify

The size of the CalEITC for a particular family or individual depends on how much they earn and how many children they support. Specifically, the credit “phases in” (increases) for higher levels of earnings up to a certain maximum point, after which the credit “phases out” (decreases) for higher levels of earnings until it reaches $0. The budget agreement extends the CalEITC to workers higher up the income scale by phasing out the credit more slowly beginning at an income of $13,794 for workers with two qualifying children (Figure 3).[8] This is the income level at which these parents are estimated to qualify for a CalEITC of $250 in tax year 2017. For workers without qualifying children, the budget package phases out the CalEITC more gradually beginning at an income of $5,354 — the point at which these workers are estimated to qualify for a CalEITC of $100 in tax year 2017.

Figure 3

Most workers who previously qualified for the CalEITC will see no change in the size of the credit, while some will receive slightly larger credits. For example, there will be no change in the credit for parents with two qualifying children and earnings of up to $13,794 (Table 3). Those with incomes between $13,794 and $14,529 will qualify for slightly larger credits. For instance, a parent with two children and earnings of $14,000 will qualify for an estimated $244 from the CalEITC under the expansion, up from an estimated $180 if the credit had not been expanded. Workers with two children and incomes between $14,529 and about $22,300 will newly qualify for the CalEITC.

Table 3

Newly Eligible Workers Will Qualify for Very Modest Credits

Workers who become eligible for the CalEITC because of the higher income limits will qualify for very modest credits. Those with qualifying children will be eligible for roughly $230 or less, depending on their earnings. For example, a worker with two children could qualify for about $214 if she earns $15,000 or $126 if she earns $18,000 (Figure 4). Workers without qualifying children who become eligible for the CalEITC under the expansion will be able to receive about $84 or less, depending on their earnings. For instance, these workers would be eligible for about $84 if they earn $7,000 annually or $52 if they earn $10,000 annually.

Viewed another way, families working a total of 30 hours per week in 2017 at the state minimum wage (earning an annual salary of $16,380) will be eligible for an estimated $115 from the CalEITC if they have one qualifying child, $174 if they have two qualifying children, or $176 if they have three or more qualifying children (Table 4).[9] If the CalEITC had not been expanded in this year’s budget agreement, these workers would not have qualified for the credit at all.

Figure 4

Table 4

Conclusion

Creating the CalEITC was an important advance in how our state helps workers with low incomes to better afford basic necessities and move toward financial security. The 2017-18 budget agreement greatly strengthens this vital tax credit by extending it to well over 1 million additional low-income working families. Although many of the newly eligible workers will qualify for very modest credits, the budget deal lays the foundation for further strengthening the CalEITC, as state policymakers can build on these changes in coming years by increasing the size of the credit that newly eligible workers can receive.


Endnotes

[1] Senate Bill 106 (Committee on Budget and Fiscal Review, Chapter 96 of 2017).

[2] Institute on Taxation and Economic Policy (ITEP). ITEP’s estimate is subject to some uncertainty. This estimate is largely based on Internal Revenue Service (IRS) data on California tax filers who claim the federal EITC. However, only around 75 percent of Californians who are eligible for the federal EITC are estimated to actually claim the credit each year. This means that California’s federal EITC participation rate is implicitly assumed in ITEP’s estimate. In other words, this estimate may be understated to the extent that expanding the CalEITC encourages workers who qualify for the federal EITC, but who do not typically file their taxes, to file in order to benefit from the state credit. On the other hand, ITEP’s estimate could be overstated  given that the CalEITC appears to be undersubscribed. ITEP estimates that 553,000 tax units could have claimed the CalEITC in 2016, but actual claims were around 360,000. This suggests that ITEP’s estimate of the number of families who could benefit from the expanded CalEITC could be too high if many workers who are eligible for the credit continue to miss out on it in coming years.

[3] It is not known exactly how many families are eligible for the CalEITC. Estimates prior to the expansion ranged from around 400,000 to 600,000. Soon after the credit was signed into law, the Franchise Tax Board estimated that roughly 600,000 families would likely be eligible for it. (Personal communication with the Franchise Tax Board on September 22, 2015.) Similarly, a Stanford University analysis of US Census Bureau data estimated that approximately 600,000 families would have been eligible for the CalEITC if it had been in place in tax year 2013. (Christopher Wimer, et al., Using Tax Policy to Address Economic Need: An Assessment of California’s New State EITC (The Stanford Center on Poverty and Inequality: December 2016).) A more recent Budget Center analysis of US Census Bureau data estimated that around 416,000 families might have been eligible for the credit in tax year 2015. Additionally, ITEP’s analysis of IRS data suggests that about 550,000 families were likely eligible in tax year 2016. (Personal communication with the Institute on Taxation and Economic Policy on May 6, 2016.)

[4] Prior to the expansion, families and individuals who had self-employment income in addition to “earned income” qualified for the CalEITC if their federal adjusted gross income (AGI) was below the income limit. (“Earned income” was defined as annual wages, salaries, tips, and other employee compensation subject to wage withholding pursuant to the state Unemployment Insurance Code. Federal AGI includes both earned income and self-employment income, as well as several other types of income.) For these tax filers, the size of the CalEITC was based on their “earned income” if their federal AGI was below the income level needed to qualify for the maximum CalEITC. In contrast, if their federal AGI was at or above this threshold, then the size of the CalEITC was based on either their “earned income” or their federal AGI, whichever resulted in a smaller credit. Prior to the expansion, self-employed workers who had no “earned income” were not eligible for the CalEITC. These workers will qualify for the CalEITC beginning in tax year 2017, as long as they meet all other requirements for the credit.

[5] Earnings refer to annual earnings for the entire family.

[6] This means that in a family with one working parent, that parent can work up to 41 hours per week and still qualify for the credit. Families with two married working parents who file joint tax returns  could work a combined total of up to 41 hours per week at the minimum wage and still qualify for the credit.

[7] This means that single workers without qualifying children can work up to 27 hours per week at the minimum wage and still qualify for the credit, while married workers without qualifying children can work a combined total of up to 27 hours per week and still qualify for the credit. Most state EITCs base their credits on the same eligibility rules as the federal EITC, which means that all workers who qualify for the federal credit also qualify for the state credit. In contrast, prior to the expansion, the CalEITC was available to just a fraction of those who qualified for the federal EITC because the income limits to qualify for the state credit were extremely low. Beginning in tax year 2017, the new CalEITC income limit for workers without children will match the federal EITC threshold that applies to these workers (Table 1). As a result, all Californians without qualifying children who are eligible for the federal EITC will also be eligible for the CalEITC. The new CalEITC income limits for parents will also be closer to the federal EITC thresholds, which range from about $39,600 to about $48,300 for single parents, depending on the number of children they are supporting.

[8] For workers with three or more qualifying children, the credit begins to phase out more slowly at an income of $13,875 and for workers with one qualifying child, the credit begins to phase out more slowly at an income of $9,484. These income levels do not reflect the income levels specified in SB 106 due to errors in the bill. These income levels will be corrected in a subsequent bill later this fall. (Personal communication with the Department of Finance (DOF) on July 24, 2017.)

[9] Eligibility for the CalEITC is based on annual earnings for the tax filer (for unmarried workers) or the combined annual earnings of the tax filer and his or her spouse (for married couples filing taxes jointly). In other words, families will be eligible for an estimated CalEITC of $115 if they have one working parent who earns $16,380 or two married working parents who earn a combined total of $16,380.

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