Skip to content

Introduction

Millions of California workers turned to unemployment insurance benefits over the last 18 months after suddenly losing their jobs – a reality that can hit workers, families, and communities, pandemic or not. In trying times, everyone should have the opportunity to buy food, pay rent, and care for their families as they look for new, stable employment. State and federal unemployment insurance benefits are the lifeline that help families keep their homes and put food on the table.

But with federal unemployment benefits expiring soon, and families seeing a drop in support, California policymakers must develop a plan to finance an increase in state unemployment benefits. This will allow workers – particularly those paid low wages and struggling to find gainful employment that allows them to afford the cost of living in California – to support their families any time they lose a job, not just when the federal government steps in to help.

Understanding the role of unemployment benefits in workers’ lives, how benefits are financed, and the true costs of covering benefits is key as policymakers look to guide the state in recovering from the pandemic and building an equitable California.

Why are unemployment benefits important for Californians?

Losing a job is devastating for working Californians and their families. Suddenly losing a primary source of income and not knowing how long it will take to find new work to restore income affects the health and social well-being of families and their community. That’s why it’s important for policymakers and businesses to share responsibility in making sure that workers have a strong safety net to turn to when layoffs or a recession hit, including access to unemployment benefits that help workers pay for rent, food, and other basic needs while they search for new employment.

State unemployment benefits – supplemented with temporary federal unemployment benefits – have been helping millions of Californians pay for basic needs while they cannot work as COVID still moves through homes and communities. Without the combination of state and federal benefits, many workers would not be able to put food on the table or keep their homes. 

How much support do unemployment benefits provide Californians?

California’s unemployment benefits are a lifeline when someone suddenly loses a job, but the benefits on their own don’t provide enough money for most workers to support their families while they search for new jobs. The state’s benefits replace only about half of a worker’s lost earnings, up to a maximum of $450 per week – the equivalent of living off of $23,400 per year.

For many California workers, it’s not possible to afford the cost of living on half of their income, and economic barriers only further stack up for workers paid low wages. Workers in low-wage jobs typically have a hard time making ends meet even when working full-time and are blocked from opportunities to build savings to turn to in times of crisis. For example, the majority of California renters with low incomes who spend at least half of their income on rent would have to spend their entire unemployment benefit on rent alone if they had no other income, leaving nothing at the end of the month for food or other basic needs.

Workers of color, including American Indian, Black, Latinx, and Pacific Islander Californians – and particularly women – are especially at risk of being unable to support their families while out of work because many have been segregated into low-paying jobs where unemployment benefits are too low to cover basic living costs.

How much support are unemployment benefits providing Californians during the pandemic, and what will happen on September 6 when federal unemployment support ends?

The average Californian has been getting just $319 per week from state unemployment benefits during the pandemic, which amounts to annual earnings of $16,588 – well below what’s needed to support a family no matter where they live in the state. However, recognizing that state unemployment benefits don’t provide enough money to cover basic living costs, the federal government supplemented workers’ state benefits throughout most of the pandemic with an additional $300 to $600 per week. Together, these benefits fully replaced the earnings many workers had lost, helping keep food on the table and preventing evictions for families as they endured months of unemployment. State and federal unemployment benefits also supported businesses and the economy by making sure that millions of people who had lost work could keep spending money and supporting businesses in their communities.

On Labor Day – September 6, 2021 – these additional federal unemployment benefits will expire, and Californians who remain out of work due to the pandemic – as well as those who lose work in the future – will have to get by on state unemployment benefits alone. This will make it harder – if not impossible – for many Californians to meet basic needs, particularly Black Californians, who persistently face high rates of unemployment due to hiring discrimination and other barriers to work created through centuries of structural racism.

Who pays for unemployment benefits in California?

California businesses finance unemployment benefits for their workers, and businesses play a critical role in determining how much support this vital safety net provides to Californians. Specifically, California’s unemployment benefits are financed through payroll taxes paid by employers, which generate revenues that are deposited into the state’s unemployment insurance fund. Revenues accumulate in this fund and are available to pay unemployment benefits whenever workers lose their jobs through no fault of their own. How much an employer pays into the fund each year is determined by applying a payroll tax rate based on schedules in state law to a portion of each employee’s annual pay – called the “taxable wage base.”

Each state determines its payroll tax rates and taxable wage base. In California, employers pay payroll taxes based only on the first $7,000 of each employee’s annual pay. That’s the lowest “taxable wage base” allowed under federal law, and just five states have bases this low. California’s base has been frozen at just $7,000 since 1983, and has never been increased to keep up with inflation or rising wages. Consequently, businesses currently pay payroll taxes on just 12% of the average California worker’s earnings – the smallest share in the nation. This severely limits the amount of revenue California can generate for unemployment benefits.

California’s low taxable wage base essentially amounts to a tax break for the state’s businesses. It means that for decades, California employers – particularly large, profitable corporations – haven’t been required to cover the true cost of state unemployment benefits, leading to chronic underfunding of the state’s unemployment fund. This is why California had to borrow billions of dollars from the federal government to pay for unemployment benefits during the pandemic – a repeat of what happened during the Great Recession. It also makes it virtually impossible for state policymakers to increase unemployment benefits so that they cover working families’ basic living costs.

How can state lawmakers ensure that businesses share in the responsibility for supporting their workers during layoffs?

Over the next decade, state policymakers do not need to take any action to ensure that businesses share in the responsibility for paying down the unemployment fund debt – other than avoiding a shift in responsibility for the debt to the state. Under federal law, California businesses will automatically and very gradually pay off the principal of the federal loans the state took out to pay for unemployment benefits during the pandemic through small increases in the federal payroll tax rate. (California will have to pay the interest on these loans.) Since the debt resulted from decades of businesses not paying the true costs of unemployment benefits before the pandemic, businesses will now be required to pay more in the years to come to make up for insufficient contributions.

Longer-term, California’s leaders should permanently modernize the state’s unemployment insurance system to 1) ensure that businesses pay the true costs of benefits for their workers – avoiding debt – and 2) make it possible to increase benefits so that workers can meet basic needs and provide for their families during layoffs or recessions. This can be achieved by substantially increasing the taxable wage base for employer payroll taxes so that it applies to a much larger portion of workers’ earnings and adjusting that base annually to keep up with rising wages.

Stay in the know.

Join our email list!

Stay in the know.

Join our email list!

Stay in the know.

Join our email list!

All California children, parents, workers, and community members should have the support they need to meet their basic needs for food, shelter, and other necessities. Yet Californians who are undocumented immigrants, or who have undocumented family members, are blocked from full access to the supports that other Californians can turn to when struggling to meet basic needs. State and federal policies uphold exclusionary practices against undocumented Californians despite them being deeply embedded in our communities and economy. This exclusion, rooted in racism and xenophobia, is one reason why undocumented Californians and their family members are more likely to live in poverty. Even before the COVID-19 pandemic, California children in families that include undocumented immigrants were an estimated three to four times more likely to be growing up in families struggling to meet their basic needs than children in non-immigrant families.

One basic support that fails to include undocumented Californians is the federal Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP), known as CalFresh in California. CalFresh is a key resource to help families put food on the table. Californians who are undocumented are completely blocked from access to CalFresh, and mixed-status families are only eligible for reduced benefits due to federal rules.

State policymakers can correct this inequity by including undocumented children and adults in state-funded basic nutrition assistance through the California Food Assistance Program (CFAP). CFAP provides benefits identical to CalFresh for some non-undocumented immigrant Californians who are excluded from CalFresh by federal rules. The choice by state policymakers to extend CFAP benefits to undocumented Californians would ensure that policies with xenophobic and racist roots do not block Californians from the support they need to avoid hunger.

Policymakers can make other choices, as well, to reduce policy-driven inequities in basic economic security based on immigration status, including extending access to comprehensive  health coverage through Medi-Cal regardless of immigration status, and providing much larger Golden State Stimulus payments to mixed-status and undocumented families who were blocked from federal COVID-19 stimulus and unemployment insurance benefits. These choices would provide support for undocumented Californians, who are valued community members, and help ensure all Californians are able to meet their basic needs.

Stay in the know.

Join our email list!

With COVID-19 cases plummeting and vaccine distribution expanding, businesses are picking up hiring. This is bringing hope that California has turned the corner on the pandemic and is setting a path forward for an economic recovery to finally take hold. But as the state begins to emerge from the recession, lawmakers must keep in mind that their policy choices will determine whether the recovery is inclusive of all people and builds toward an economy that works for everyone. The economic crisis amplified long-standing economic and health inequities, hitting Black, Latinx, and other Californians of color, as well as women, immigrants, and workers paid low wages much harder. These inequities will not disappear as the economy recovers unless lawmakers dismantle racist, sexist, and anti-immigrant barriers to opportunity and make investments that allow all Californians to share in the state’s prosperity.

Recent job gains are promising, but a massive job shortfall remains. The state gained 120,000 jobs in March 2021, following a gain of 156,000 jobs in February 2021. This marked the strongest job growth California had seen since June 2020. Yet the state still has a massive shortfall, with 1.5 million fewer jobs in March 2021 than in February 2020, just before the pandemic recession began. This means that California is still down more jobs than the state lost during the Great Recession. Moreover, even if the last two months of strong job gains continue each month going forward, it would take 18 months — until September 2022 — to close the job shortfall, replacing the jobs lost during the recession and adding the jobs that would have been created had there not been a recession. That’s a year after pandemic-related federal unemployment benefits are slated to expire.


Low-paying industries continue to face the largest job shortfall. Although the majority of California’s private-sector job gains in March were in the state’s lowest-paying industries, these industries still had 15% fewer jobs in March 2021 than in February 2020. In contrast, moderate- and high-paying industries each had just 5% fewer jobs. In fact, some of the lowest-paying industries still had massive job shortfalls in March: 90% of the arts, entertainment, and recreation jobs that California lost were still gone, as were 61% of the accommodation and food service jobs, and 68% of the “other services” jobs, which include jobs at barber shops, hair salons, and nail salons. Rehiring in these sectors could take time, and it’s possible that not all of the jobs that were lost will come back. For example, to the extent that office workers continue to work remotely after the pandemic ends, restaurants and other businesses near office buildings or downtown hubs may see fewer customers and won’t need as many employees as they did prior to the pandemic. Similarly, if companies continue to hold remote meetings and conferences, hotels and other businesses serving business travelers may not need to rehire as many workers.


The “official” unemployment rate significantly understates California’s jobs crisis, highlighting the need to track broader measures. The unemployment rate published monthly by the US Bureau of Labor Statistics (BLS) is typically used to assess conditions for workers. However, this measure has substantially understated the pandemic jobs crisis, prompting many economists to use alternative measures of unemployment that include people who want to work, but left the labor force after losing their jobs because other jobs weren’t available or weren’t safe, or because they had to care for children schooling from home or for sick family members (see technical note). Based on one such broader measure, about 1 in 10 Californians were out of work in March 2021 (10.3%) — notably higher than California’s “official” unemployment rate of 8.3%. In fact, a total of about 2 million Californians were unemployed in March based on this expanded measure — over 400,000 more than those counted in the official measure. Like the official unemployment rate, this broader measure has fallen significantly from its peak last spring, but remains about twice as high as it was in February 2020, just before the recession began.


Black and Latinx Californians remain considerably more likely to be out of work. One year into the recession, 15.3% of Black Californians and 13% of Latinx Californians were unemployed, based on the broader measure described above. This is considerably higher than the 9.7% unemployment rate for white Californians and 8.6% rate for Asian Californians. (Due to data limitations, it is not possible to present monthly unemployment figures for other Californians of color, such as Pacific Islanders, American Indians, and people who are multi-racial, or to disaggregate the data further to show, for example, the diverse range of experiences within Asian Californians. National data, however, show high unemployment among American Indians and Pacific Islanders during the recession.) Women were also more likely to be out of work than men, and national research has suggested that at least some of this disparity reflects mothers leaving the labor force because of remote schooling or child care responsibilities during the pandemic. Immigrants — who experienced greater job losses when the pandemic first began — were less likely to be unemployed one year into the recession than Californians who are not immigrants.


Layoffs during the pandemic reduced the earnings of the majority of Black and brown Californians. More than 60% of Black and Latinx households lost earnings during the pandemic, compared to well under half of Asian and white households. (Due to data limitations, it is not possible to present monthly unemployment figures for other Californians of color, such as Pacific Islanders, American Indians, and people who are multi-racial, or to disaggregate the data further to show, for example, the diverse range of experiences within Asian Californians.)

While striking, these job and income inequities are not new for Black and brown Californians; they are rooted in our nation’s history of structural racism. Even before the current jobs crisis, Black and American Indian Californians were about twice as likely to be unemployed as white Californians, and Latinx women were about one-and-one-half times as likely to be unemployed as white women. In addition, Californians of color — particularly women and those who are American Indian, Black, Latinx or Pacific Islander — earned considerably less than white men before the pandemic, even when working full-time, year-round. (See the employment and earnings component of the Women’s Well-Being Index for more information.) These inequities are the product of past and present racist policies and practices, including housing segregation, the underfunding of predominantly Black and brown public schools, mass incarceration, and employment discrimination — all of which make it difficult for many people of color to access good jobs and be paid fair wages.

Policymakers Must Create an Inclusive Recovery that Builds Toward a More Equitable Economy

There is growing optimism that a recovery from the economic crisis is finally underway for California. But the employment and income inequities that widened during the recession for Black and brown Californians, women, immigrants, and workers paid low wages will likely not disappear on their own as the state’s economy improves. To avoid returning to the deeply inequitable economy that predated the pandemic, state and federal lawmakers must make policy choices that foster an inclusive recovery and lay the foundation for a more equitable economy – one that ensures that Black, Latinx, and other Californians of color, women, immigrants, and Californians with low incomes share in the state’s economic gains and vast wealth.

To do this, federal policymakers must first not cut off too soon the economic supports, such as enhanced federal unemployment benefits, that are helping families meet basic needs during the crisis. Doing so would harm Black and Latinx Californians and others who continue to be hit hard by the pandemic and recession. In addition, state policymakers should provide much more financial support to undocumented Californians and their families, who have been excluded from nearly all economic relief during the pandemic.

Beyond responding to the immediate crisis, policymakers must better prepare for the next recession, for example by reforming the unemployment insurance system to ensure that workers receive the support they need when they lose work. Lawmakers also must prioritize equity in all policies and institutions so that all people can thrive. Some California current efforts that would help include:

  • Establishing an independent body to address systemic and institutional racism in order to ensure that the state plays a more active role in dismantling racial inequities that hold back Californians of color.

Lawmakers must also invest in better publicly accessible data because economic and health equity cannot be achieved if information on inequities affecting the lives of Californians is not collected. Major federal data, including monthly unemployment figures, do not allow for sufficient disaggregation for racialized communities or for intersectional analyses. In fact, the experiences of LGBTQ+ people are almost entirely absent from federal surveys. This renders the experiences of many communities invisible, making it difficult to show with data where policy change is needed or can be targeted to better serve Californians, especially LGBTQ+ Californians and many Californians of color.

Policies that address the economic and health needs of communities and dismantle structural racism, sexism, and other forms of discrimination can help California emerge from the pandemic recession to a more equitable economy where all Californians share in the state’s prosperity.


Technical Note

The “official” unemployment rate reported each month by the Bureau of Labor Statistics (BLS) is widely understood to have underreported the extent of joblessness during the pandemic. Consequently, many economists, including those at the Federal Reserve Board and the President’s Council of Economic Advisors, have published adjusted unemployment rates that are likely more accurate than the official BLS measure.

This report presents unemployment rates with two adjustments that should result in a more accurate measure of joblessness. Specifically, these unemployment rates:

  • Include people who were likely unemployed, but misclassified as employed. The BLS believes that during the COVID-19 recession a large number of workers who reported being employed, but absent from work, were in fact on temporary layoff and should have been counted as unemployed. Each month since March 2020, the BLS has estimated how many workers may have been misclassified in this way and reported what the national unemployment rate would have been had these workers been counted as unemployed. This report follows the BLS methodology for identifying potentially misclassified workers, which is described here, and adds these workers to the number of unemployed to calculate adjusted unemployment rates.
  • Include people who were not counted in the labor force because they did not look for work recently, but who want a job. To be officially counted as unemployed, workers must have made specific efforts to find employment in the past four weeks. If they did not, then they are counted as not in the labor force even if they want to work. This means that they are not included in the unemployment rate. However, many workers who lost their jobs during the COVID-19 recession did not search for work even if they wanted a job, particularly at the beginning of the recession when state-mandated business closures meant that there were far fewer jobs available. Moreover, California temporarily waived the requirement that unemployed workers search for jobs each week in order to receive unemployment benefits, recognizing that whole sectors of the economy had to be shut down in order to protect the public’s health. This analysis adds to the number of unemployed people who did not look for work in the past four weeks as long as they reported wanting a job, being available for work, and having looked for employment in the past year. This is a more conservative adjustment than the one made by the Federal Reserve Board, which counts all people who dropped out of the labor force since February 2020 as unemployed.

Stay in the know.

Join our email list!

Stay in the know.

Join our email list!

California Is Still Down More Jobs Than the State Lost During the Great RecessionCalifornia is losing jobs again. As COVID-19 cases surged in late 2020 and new restrictions affecting businesses had to be put in place, California began to lose jobs again for the first time since the pandemic began. This deepened the massive hole in the state’s job market. In total, California had 1.5 million fewer jobs in December than in February 2020, the month before the COVID-19 recession began. As 2020 came to an end – and 10 months into the COVID-19 recession – California was still down more jobs than the state lost during the Great Recession. It’s unlikely that California’s job picture has improved much since December given that strict COVID-19 restrictions remained in place to address high COVID-19 case rates until late January.

Jobs in Low-Paying Industries Declined in December and Are Still Down Much More Jobs in Higher-Paying Industries

Low-paid workers continue to be hit hardest. Workers in California’s lowest-paying private-sector industries lost more than 100,000 jobs in December, while those in higher-paying industries gained jobs. Most layoffs occurred in the very low-paying leisure and hospitality industry, which largely includes jobs at restaurants. This new round of layoffs for California workers continued the uneven pattern of job losses that has occurred all throughout the recession. Low-paying industries still had 15% fewer jobs in December than in February, while moderate- and high-paying industries had just 5% and 3% fewer jobs, respectively.


About 3 in 5 Latinx and Black Households in California Lost Earnings During the Pandemic

Layoffs during the pandemic have reduced the earnings of the majority of Black and brown households. About 3 in 5 Latinx and Black households in California lost earnings during the pandemic as of late 2020. In contrast, well under half of Asian and white households lost earnings. Although federal policymakers enhanced unemployment benefits and provided two rounds of economic relief payments last year, millions of Californians report difficulty paying for basic expenses like food in part because these benefits haven’t been enough to cover the cost of living. Additionally, benefits haven’t reached everyone in need, including undocumented Californians who are blocked from support by state and federal policies.


Federal and State Policymakers Need to Do Much More to Help Workers Now & Beyond the Recession

Many Californians – particularly Black and brown workers and those who are paid low wages – will continue to face economic and health challenges for some time. Although vaccines are available to start addressing the pandemic, it will take time to reach herd immunity – when most of the population is immune to COVID-19 – and economists predict it will take years for all of the workers displaced by the recession to find new jobs. Moreover, as COVID-19 business restrictions are lifted and people who have lost jobs return to work, workers’ health – and the health of their families and communities – could be compromised until they have access to the vaccines. People going back to jobs that put them at risk of contracting COVID-19 are largely Californians of color whose communities have already experienced higher rates of illness and death from the virus. These facts highlight the urgent need for federal and state policymakers to 1) provide more economic relief so that workers and their families can meet basic needs and 2) make long-term investments that promote health and economic security so that all Californians can thrive.

Stay in the know.

Join our email list!

Stay in the know.

Join our email list!