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Introduction

Governor Gavin Newsom released his proposed 2026-27 California state budget on January 9, projecting a small and manageable deficit of $2.9 billion. The governor’s proposal projects $42.3 billion in additional revenue across the “budget window” (fiscal years 2024-25 to 2026-27) compared to projections made last June in the enacted budget. The $248.3 billion General Fund spending plan would protect most investments made in prior years, but does not propose any significant new investments or tax solutions to address federal cuts to health care and food assistance as well as affordability challenges affecting millions of Californians. The proposal also maintains previous state-level cuts to programs that expanded health care access and added child care slots, and allows prior years’ investments in combating homelessness to sunset without additional funding.

The administration’s revenue projections reflect an upgrade of the economic forecast, higher wage growth concentrated in technology sectors, particularly from artificial intelligence, and a strong stock market. However, the administration acknowledges that the current market trends may not be sustained, particularly as gains have been driven primarily by a handful of large tech companies due to enthusiasm about artificial intelligence, which may not last if investors do not realize expected returns.

The governor’s proposal would increase the state’s budget reserves, or “rainy day funds,” to $23 billion by the end of 2026-27, driven primarily by constitutionally required (Proposition 2) deposits as a result of increasing revenues.

The governor’s plan notably does not include any tax solutions to increase revenues — changes needed to help Californians who have not benefited from the state’s economic growth and are confronting lost benefits due to the cuts enacted in the federal Republican megabill, H.R. 1. Without new revenues, the proposal fails to secure the resources needed to counter the harm caused by the Trump administration and advance the governor’s goal of building a California for all. H.R. 1 also expanded tax cuts that primarily benefit the most profitable corporations and high-income households. In response, state leaders have an opportunity and responsibility to make our state’s tax system more equitable, protect California, and invest in the economic security and well-being of all Californians.

The governor’s spending plan protects and maintains some of the progress made in prior budget years to help improve economic security and opportunities for Californians with low incomes and Californians of color, including policy advances in behavioral health, cash assistance, food assistance, child care provider rate stipends, universal school meals, and expansion of before and after school programs. The proposal also boosts funding for TK-14 schools and community colleges through a combination of automatic adjustments in constitutionally required funding allocations, budget commitments made in recent years, and one-time spending.

Notably, however, the governor’s plan does not include new funding to address homelessness and abandons funding for housing programs for Californians with low incomes and affordable housing production. The plan also does not provide funding for 44,000 additional child care slots, a commitment the Governor made in 2021-22 and that has been unfulfilled since that time.

Even as the governor’s proposal limits investments to combat the high cost of living, it would commit the state to up to $180 million in spending annually from 28-29 through 2032-33 to extend the California Competes tax credit, which competitively allocates credits to businesses that make investments in California. While the credit is viewed as better designed than similar credits in other states that lack sufficient accountability mechanisms, state leaders should also consider the tradeoffs of committing to continued spending on business tax credits at a time when so many Californians confront affordability challenges made worse by federal cuts.

The administration projects that the state prison population will continue to decline despite the passage of Prop. 36 in 2024, which increased penalties for certain drug and theft offenses, including by reversing some of Prop. 47’s (2014) sentencing reforms. The ongoing decline of the prison population suggests  that state policymakers should plan for additional state prison closures.

Overall, while the governor’s proposed spending plan protects some of the progress made in earlier years, failure to address harmful federal cuts from H.R. 1 and advance more equitable tax policies, while also promoting misguided priorities like expanded tax credits for businesses, would weaken the state’s capacity to better help Californians manage our state’s high cost of living. State leaders have an opportunity and a responsibility to champion policies that uplift and protect every Californian during a time of ongoing federal threats to our state.

This First Look report outlines key pieces of the 2026-27 California budget proposal, and explores how the governor prioritizes spending amid ongoing federal cuts and affordability challenges.

what is the governor’s proposed budget?

The governor’s proposed budget provides a detailed overview of the governor’s proposed expenditures for the upcoming fiscal year, estimated expenditures for the current fiscal year, and actual expenditures for the prior fiscal year. The proposed budget is released — along with the governor’s budget summary — on or before January 10.

Table of Contents

Budget Overview

Health

Housing & Homelessness

Economic Security

Education

Justice System


Budget Overview

Administration Projects Uneven Economic Gains for California and Ongoing Risks from Federal Policies

The administration’s economic outlook is an important aspect of the budget because aggregate changes in economic indicators, such as jobs and wages, affect how much revenue the state will generate. Although the new forecast expects slightly stronger national economic growth than anticipated last year, it projects California’s job market to be weaker, with essentially no net job gains in 2026 and only a marginal increase expected in 2027. Additionally, the state’s unemployment rate is projected to rise to 5.6% this year, up from an estimated 5.4% in 2025. Jobs in health care and private education are expected to continue to be the primary drivers of the state’s job growth. However, gains in these sectors are forecasted to be weaker than previously expected due to federal budget cuts. The administration also points to a significant divide in the quality of jobs projected in the near-term, with growth concentrated in lower-paying industries, while high-paying industries are projected to lose jobs.

The governor’s forecast significantly revised up estimates of average wage and personal income growth in 2025 — above 5% — driven largely by recent gains in high-wage, tech-related industries that are benefiting from the surge in AI investment. But the forecast expects wage and income gains to moderate to about 4% growth in 2026. The administration revised down inflation estimates and projections, but still expects the annual inflation rate to remain above 3% in California and above 2% nationwide throughout the forecast period.

Budget documents highlight several risks to the governor’s forecast that could produce weaker economic gains than expected. These include the potential for federal policies, particularly around trade, tariffs, and immigration, to weaken economic and job growth more than anticipated. In addition, the administration acknowledges that a financial market correction and significant stock market downturn, which could occur if returns on AI investments fall short of expectations, also poses a risk to the economic forecast.

Everyday Californians Face Mounting Affordability Challenges, While a Select Few Enjoy Extreme Wealth

The administration’s outlook is useful for understanding how economic conditions might impact budget revenues, but it’s also important to consider how economic conditions are affecting everyday Californians who count on services funded by the budget. Millions of Californians are facing mounting affordability pressures that will worsen as federal cuts to health care, food assistance, and other essentials take effect. The cost of food and rent is already up by 25% on average since 2020 and has been hitting households with lower incomes hardest. About 1 in 8 California households faced food insecurity in 2022-24, up from less than 1 in 10 in 2019-21. Furthermore, half of California renters face unaffordable housing costs, including 80% of renters with low incomes. The state’s high cost of living is a key reason why about 7 million state residents live in poverty. Centuries of structural racism as well as long-standing inequities in opportunity structured into budget policies, past and present, explain why Black, Latinx, and other Californians of color disproportionately face these economic challenges.

In stark contrast with the affordability challenges facing so many California residents, a tiny sliver of the population is enjoying extreme income and wealth. Collectively, the richest 0.1% of Californians — nearly 17,500 households — have more income than the roughly 3.5 million households in the middle fifth. That means a population roughly the size of the city of Los Angeles is out-earned by a group small enough to fit inside a sports arena. In addition corporate profits in California have skyrocketed over the past decade, but those gains have failed to trickle down to the workers who make those profits possible, as the typical worker’s earnings have hardly grown over the same period. The harmful federal Republican megabill enacted last year, H.R. 1, will exacerbate inequities in California and the nation, as deep cuts to health care and food assistance that millions of people count on were used to finance trillions of dollars in tax breaks for wealthy individuals and corporations.

Proposed Budget Assumes a $42.3 Billion Improvement in the Revenue Outlook, But Stock Market Uncertainty Presents Risks to Forecast

The governor’s budget proposal assumes that state General Fund revenues across the three-year budget window — covering fiscal years 2024-25 through 2026-27 — will be $42.3 billion higher than projected when the 2025-26 budget was enacted. The improved outlook is mainly driven by projected increases in personal income tax revenue. The higher revenue projections reflect higher-than-expected revenue collections since the enactment of the 2025 budget, an upgrade of the economic forecast, higher wage growth concentrated in technology sectors, and the strong stock market.

However, the administration acknowledges that the current stock market trends may not be sustained, particularly as stock market gains have been driven primarily by a handful of large tech companies due to enthusiasm about artificial intelligence, which may not last if stock market investors do not realize their expected returns. In other words, there is a possibility that the recent stock market growth reflects an “AI bubble” that could burst, which would negatively impact the state’s revenue forecast. The administration estimates that if a significant market downturn were to occur this year, General Fund revenues could end up being up to $30 billion lower than the current projection across the three-year budget window — even in the absence of an economic recession, which would depress revenues further.

The administration’s revenue projections are significantly higher than the Legislative Analyst’s Office’s (LAO) November estimate that General Fund revenues over the budget window could be about $11 billion higher than assumed in the 2025 budget. Because the governor’s administration and the LAO produce revenue estimates independently, they are built on differing assumptions. The difference between the administration’s and LAO’s projections largely reflects the fact that LAO’s forecast built in a higher risk of a stock market downturn during the budget window. However, if a significant stock market downturn were to occur, the LAO noted that actual revenues could end up being tens of billions of dollars below their forecast.

It’s important to keep in mind that both the governor’s and the LAO’s revenue estimates include projections of future revenues and are subject to change as additional information becomes available. There is always a high degree of uncertainty in forecasting future revenues, and the picture may very well look better or worse by the time the 2026-27 budget is being finalized, depending on changes in economic and stock market conditions and their impact on state tax collections.

Governor Proposes No Significant New Revenue Solutions to Support Investments, Despite Growing Needs Facing Californians on the Heels of Harmful Federal Cuts

Many Californians were already struggling to make ends meet before the federal government enacted its harmful megabill, H.R. 1, making deep cuts that will take health care and food assistance away from millions of Californians and make life harder for immigrant communities while gifting profitable corporations and wealthy households with more tax cuts.

Though these harmful policies come at the hand of the federal government, state leaders have a responsibility to do everything they can to reduce the damage that will be done to the lives of Californians impacted by federal cuts, as millions of state residents are at risk of losing health care coverage, facing increased health care costs, and losing some or all of their food assistance support. While these losses for Californians don’t have a direct impact on California’s budget — in contrast with other policies in H.R. 1 that directly shift costs to the state — California leaders must consider the human and economic costs of doing nothing to protect Californians targeted by federal cuts.

While the governor proposes a roughly balanced budget — under the assumption that revenue collections meet the administration’s forecast (see Revenue Outlook section) — the budget lacks any progressive tax solutions to generate additional revenue that would allow state leaders to backfill some of the federal cuts and protect Californians from the deep harms that will result from the lack of action.

Policymakers have options to increase revenues and make the state’s tax system more fair, which would allow the state to support the health and well-being of people impacted by federal cuts without slashing support for other critical state services. One logical place to start is eliminating or reducing existing tax breaks that largely benefit incredibly profitable corporations and cost the state billions of dollars each year. For instance, policymakers can end the “water’s edge” loophole that allows corporations operating internationally to avoid $3 billion or more in state taxes each year by stashing profits in offshore tax havens. Additionally, policymakers can place reasonable limits on corporate tax credits and deductions so that no profitable corporation pays next to nothing in taxes to the state in exchange for providing it with a skilled workforce, public infrastructure, and a large consumer base. Ensuring highly profitable corporations pay their fair share in state taxes can help to offset federal tax giveaways and generate the long-term revenue California needs to strengthen economic security for all.

Instead of considering policies to strengthen the tax contributions of wealthy corporations, the proposed budget would extend an existing tax credit program for corporations that would otherwise expire after 2027-28, the California Competes Tax Credit. The state competitively allocates California Competes credits to businesses that commit to making investments and creating jobs in the state. The maximum amount of tax credits that can be awarded in a fiscal year is currently $180 million, although the actual budgetary cost in a given year is generally lower due to differences in the timing of credit awards and credit claims, and the fact that the state can recapture credits if businesses fail to meet the job and investment targets in their credit agreements. The governor proposes to extend the current program for 5 years, from 2028-29 through 2032-33, maintaining the $180 million annual allocation cap (with no cost impact in the budget window).

The California Competes credit is better designed than other tax breaks that have no limits or accountability mechanisms, and some researchers have found evidence that the program is fairly effective in incentivizing job creation in the state — though disproportionately among residents with higher education levels. However, policymakers should consider the tradeoffs of committing to continued spending on the tax credit in the future when 1) the revenue loss due to the tax credit reduces the state’s capacity for other investments to meet the needs of Californians, including those who have been harmed by federal policies, 2) forecasters have projected significant budget deficits in the coming years under current policies, and 3) some of the investments made by businesses receiving the credits would likely have occurred even in the absence of the credit.

Governor’s Budget Proposal Increases Reserve Funds Due to Increased Revenues

California has several state reserve accounts that set aside funds for a “rainy day” when economic conditions worsen and state revenues decline. Some reserves are established in the state’s Constitution to require deposits and restrict withdrawals, and some are at the discretion of state policymakers.

California voters approved Proposition 2 in November 2014, amending the California Constitution to revise the rules for the state’s Budget Stabilization Account (BSA), commonly referred to as the “rainy day fund.” Prop. 2 requires an annual set-aside equal to 1.5% of estimated General Fund revenues. An additional set-aside is required when capital gains revenue in a given year exceeds 8% of General Fund tax revenue. For 15 years — from 2015-16 to 2029-30 — half of these funds must be deposited into the rainy day fund, and the other half is to be used to reduce certain state liabilities (also known as “budgetary debt”).

Prop. 2 also established a new state budget reserve for K-12 schools and community colleges called the Public School System Stabilization Account (PSSSA). The PSSSA requires that when certain conditions are met, the state must deposit a portion of General Fund revenues into this reserve as part of California’s Prop. 98 funding guarantee (see section on Prop. 98).

In order to access the funds in the BSA and PSSSA, the governor must declare a state budget emergency — an action that was taken in the enacted current-year (2025-26) budget in response to the state’s projected budget deficit.

The BSA and the PSSSA are not California’s only reserve funds. The 2018-19 budget agreement created the Safety Net Reserve Fund, which is intended to hold funds to be used to maintain benefits and services for CalWORKs and Medi-Cal participants in the event of an economic downturn, and which was completely spent down in response to recent years’ budget deficits. Additionally, the state has a Special Fund for Economic Uncertainties (SFEU) — a reserve fund that accounts for unallocated General Fund dollars and that gives state leaders total discretion as to when and how they can use the available funds.

The governor’s January proposal projects $23 billion in reserves at the end of 2026-27. Specifically, the proposal:

  • Projects a BSA balance of $14.4 billion;
  • Projects the PSSSA balance at $4.1 billion;
  • Leaves the Safety Net Reserve with a zero balance; and
  • Projects an SFEU balance of $4.5 billion.

In addition, as a result of the increase in state revenues in the current year (2025-26), the administration notes that an additional $2.8 billion deposit into the BSA would have been required under Prop. 2, but that they are suspending that requirement in their proposal, consistent with the budget emergency that was declared last June.

Portrait of child girl eating on snack time at school

H.R. 1 and the Federal Budget

H.R. 1, the harmful Republican mega bill passed in July 2025, will deeply harm Californians by cutting funding for essential programs like health care, food assistance, and education.

See how California leaders can respond and protect vital supports.

Health

Governor Proposes No Meaningful Action to Address Cuts to Health Care

Access to health care is necessary for everyone to be healthy and thrive. Medi-Cal, California’s Medicaid program, provides free or low-cost health care to over one-third of the state’s population. This program covers a wide range of services to Californians with modest incomes, and many children, seniors, people with disabilities, and pregnant individuals rely on it.

In 2025, state leaders adopted sweeping cuts to Medi-Cal that reversed years of progress toward a more inclusive, equitable health system. These cuts included provisions that specifically harmed immigrant Californians, such as freezing new Medi-Cal enrollment for undocumented adults — a change that took effect this month. This marked a major shift away from the state’s commitment to expanding health care access and ensuring coverage for all Californians.

At the same time, Republicans in Congress and the Trump Administration enacted the deepest health care cuts in US history last year, slashing over $1 trillion from Medicaid over the next decade. These cuts, which included new burdensome red tape, put the health, financial security, and well-being of millions of Californians at risk.

Medi-Cal Budget Highlights

The governor’s 2026-27 budget proposal does not take action to address the threats to health insurance coverage, affordability, and access due to recent federal and state policy changes. Instead, the governor takes a wait and see approach, which is not a choice Californians can afford as harmful provisions from H.R. 1 and the 2025-26 Budget Act are already taking effect.

The proposed budget reflects the following spending in Medi-Cal:

  • $196.7 billion ($46.4 billion General Fund) in 2025-26. This investment reflects an approximately $2 billion increase in General Fund spending compared to the 2025-26 Budget Act, which is mainly due to changes at the federal level and normal increased Medicare costs.
  • $222.4 billion ($48.8 billion General Fund) in 2026-27. This represents a $2.4 billion increase compared to the 2025-26 Budget Act, which is mostly because of the end of the Medical Provider Interim Payment Loan and reduced tax revenue from the Managed Care Organization Tax (see Provider Taxes & Fees section).

While the governor’s budget proposal does not include major cuts to Medi-Cal, it does include other harmful provisions, such as:

Given the scale of both the federal and state budget cuts, California leaders should not let the cruelty of the federal government dictate how California acts. Instead, state leaders should take meaningful steps to minimize the harm to people’s access to health care and protect communities. Addressing this challenge will require bold leadership and new, ongoing state revenue, particularly from the most profitable corporations and wealthy individuals who benefit the most from H.R. 1’s federal tax breaks (see Tax Policy section).

New Health Investments

Although the proposed budget does not introduce bold new investments to reverse harmful state and federal actions, it does include smaller, but meaningful investments such as:

Covered California

For those who earn too much to qualify for Medi-Cal, Covered California — the state’s health insurance marketplace established through the Affordable Care Act (ACA) — serves as a vital resource. About 1.8 million Californians rely on the state’s health insurance marketplace for their health coverage.

The governor’s proposed budget does not include additional funding to enhance affordability or access through Covered California. Given the expiration of the enhanced premium tax credits (which continue to be debated in Congress), Californians who purchase health insurance through Covered California will see their premiums rise by an average of 97%. State leaders should consider options for increasing access to — and affordability of — health plans available through Covered California.

Proposed Budget Provides No New Major State Investments for Behavioral Health

Millions of Californians rely on services for mental health and substance use treatment, known as behavioral health care. Strengthening the state’s behavioral health system is essential to guaranteeing that every Californian can access the care they need regardless of race, age, gender identity, sexual orientation, or where they live.  While state policymakers have launched and maintained largely one-time funding for various initiatives to transform California’s behavioral health system, the proposed 2026-27 budget includes no additional major state funds for behavioral health.

Notable Behavioral Health Proposals

The proposed budget includes limited, targeted behavioral health investments, largely supported by non–General Fund sources:

  • Community-Based Behavioral Health Services: Provides $65 million in 2025–26 and $95.5 million in 2026–27 in MCO tax revenue to support mobile crisis response, transitional rent, and behavioral health rate increases.
  • Health Care Workforce and Prevention Programming: Includes a $150 million placeholder from the Behavioral Health Services Fund, in lieu of General Fund, for workforce and prevention programming. Details will be updated at the May Revision.
  • Community-Based Mobile Crisis Services: Proposes to move community-based mobile crisis from a statewide benefit to an optional Medi-Cal benefit beginning April 2027, following the expiration of enhanced federal funding in December 2026. The budget includes $431.5 million total funds ($50.7 million Proposition 35 funds, $347 million federal funds, $28.2 million 988 funds, and $5.6 million General Fund) to continue this benefit across 2025-26 and 2026-27.

Proposition 1 Implementation

Proposition 1 (Prop. 1), which voters approved in March 2024, is a two-part measure that amended California’s Mental Health Services Act and created a $6.38 billion general obligation bond to fund behavioral health treatment, residential facilities, and supportive housing for veterans and Californians with behavioral health needs. Counties will begin operating under the revised funding structure in July 2026. 

In previous years, the state has provided limited, largely one-time funding to support Prop. 1 implementation, including $85 million ($50 million General Fund) in 2024–25 and $93.5 million total funds ($55 million General Fund) in 2025-26 for county support. However, county behavioral health departments caution that Prop. 1 relies on redirected mental health dollars rather than new investments, creating tradeoffs that reduce funding for existing treatment and prevention services (see Homelessness section). At the same time, rising costs and Medi-Cal coverage losses under H.R. 1 are likely to increase demand for county behavioral health services. 

In 2026–27, counties are projected to receive more than $4 billion from the Behavioral Health Services Fund, but without additional ongoing investments, Prop. 1 alone will be insufficient to meet growing behavioral health needs or to end homelessness among Californians with significant behavioral health challenges.

Maintaining Previous Behavioral Health Initiatives

In recent years, the state has invested approximately $8.5 billion in total funds across multiple departments to expand behavioral health treatment capacity and infrastructure. These investments include $4.2 billion for the Children and Youth Behavioral Health Initiative, $2.9 billion for the Behavioral Health Bridge Housing and Behavioral Health Continuum Infrastructure programs, and $1.4 billion for Mobile Crisis Response.

Policymakers have also committed nearly $8 billion over five years to Behavioral Health Community-Based Organized Networks of Equitable Care and Treatment (BH-CONNECT), a multi-year initiative focused on improving access to behavioral health services for Medi-Cal members with significant needs, including children and youth involved in child welfare, people involved in the justice system, and individuals at risk of or experiencing homelessness.

Federal Threats to Behavioral Health

By cutting Medi-Cal financing and thus the behavioral health care services Medi-Cal provides, H.R.1, the harmful Republican megabill, severely threatens the progress California has made in connecting behavioral health care, housing, and recovery for all Californians. Medicaid is the largest payer of behavioral health services in the country and makes up a significant portion of counties’ mental health budgets, so cuts to this program at the federal level undermine the ability of state and local governments to provide behavioral health support in the long-term. 

Additionally, programs like CalAIM and BH-CONNECT rely on federal waivers to use Medicaid funding for purposes such as housing navigation, and the federal government could choose to let the waivers expire or rescind them. The federal funding cuts will devastate the ability of hospitals, community centers, and other behavioral health providers to support Californians who desperately need help.

Proposed Budget Highlights Challenges to State’s “MCO Tax” and Hospital Fee

A key source of funding for California’s Medi-Cal program comes from taxes and fees assessed on health care providers, including private hospitals and health plans (also called managed care organizations, or MCOs). These taxes and fees are used to draw down additional federal funding for Medi-Cal. With these additional federal dollars, California is able to:

  • Reimburse providers for much or all of the taxes or fees that they pay,
  • Cover basic Medi-Cal costs that would otherwise be funded by California’s General Fund (freeing up these dollars for other purposes in the state budget), and
  • Fund higher Medi-Cal payments to health care providers.

Provider taxes and fees need federal approval and must be periodically renewed. In California, most of the revenue raised by provider taxes/fees comes from two sources:

  • The MCO tax generates over $7 billion per year in net revenue. MCO tax proceeds are used to boost Medi-Cal provider payment rates as well as to cover basic Medi-Cal costs, reducing California’s General Fund costs for the program.
  • The Hospital Quality Assurance Fee raises over $5 billion per year. These revenues support supplemental payments to private hospitals and also cover basic Medi-Cal costs, reducing the state’s General Fund costs.

H.R. 1 — the harmful Republican megabill signed by President Trump last year — changed federal rules to limit states’ use of provider taxes and fees.

The governor’s proposed 2026-27 spending plan:

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Housing

Proposed Budget Includes No New State Funding for Affordable Housing

Every Californian deserves a safe, affordable home, regardless of their income or background — an attainable reality in a state as resourceful as California. Over the past seven years, state policymakers have made notable progress in streamlining housing development and have invested modestly in affordable housing. Despite these efforts — and ongoing cost pressures that California renters are facing — state General Fund dollars have comprised only a small share of funding for supporting affordable housing development, and that funding has only declined in recent budget years. This harmful trend continues in the governor’s proposed 2026–27 budget, which does not include any new state funds for affordable housing.

Rather than making continued investments to expand affordable housing supply or address affordability, the administration emphasizes the continued implementation of the California Housing and Homelessness Agency (CHHA) and the Housing Development and Finance Committee (HDFC). Through this restructuring, the administration proposes statutory changes to better align affordable housing programs under HDFC with existing financing tools, such as Low-Income Housing Tax Credits (LIHTC) and private activity bonds. It also proposes to codify a long-term allocation of private activity bonds for affordable housing.

Following last year’s renegotiations of the state’s Cap-and-Invest program, the Affordable Housing and Sustainable Communities (AHSC) program is set to receive up to $560 million annually from Cap-and-Invest proceeds — which are not part of the General Fund — dedicated to affordable housing. Under the proposed changes, the affordable housing component of AHSC will be separated from the program’s other uses and be administered by the newly established HDFC to better leverage complementary subsidies, streamline administration, and accelerate project delivery.

While this restructuring is intended to improve coordination, streamline affordable housing financing, and increase affordable housing projects, it relies on existing funding sources outside of the General Fund and does not replace the need for sustained state investments to meet the scale of California’s housing shortage. Several key affordable housing programs are proposed to NOT receive any new state funding, including:

  • State Low Income Housing Tax Credits (LIHTC) which are pivotal in developing and financing affordable housing. The state LIHTC program will only receive what is required by state statute; in 2024 the required allocation was roughly $120 million. While California is poised to receive an increase in federal LIHTC as a result of H.R. 1 (2025), this increase may only cover a small portion of the 2.5 million affordable homes the state needs. Moreover, any gains from expanded housing tax credits are undermined by H.R. 1’s deep cuts to essential supports such as health care and food assistance, which low-income families rely on to afford their housing and meet their basic needs.
  • The Multifamily Housing Program is the state’s primary subsidy for affordable housing construction and preservation for some of the lowest income households. It is heavily oversubscribed and funding is expected to be fully depleted this year.
  • The Portfolio Reinvestment Program preserves California Department of Housing and Community Development-funded affordable housing projects that are at-risk of conversion to market-rate housing. After the funding cuts in the 2024 Budget Act, this program currently has no funding. 
  • The Joe Serna, Jr. Farmworker Housing Grant Program funds housing for agricultural workers with a priority for lower-income households.

Separately, the proposed budget indicates that the administration is exploring creative financing mechanisms to address funding gaps for residential rebuilding following the Los Angeles wildfires early last year and signals its intent to bring forward a proposal for consideration in the May Revision. Lastly, the state continues the roll out of Proposition 1 (2024), which is providing roughly $2 billion in bond funds for permanent supportive housing projects for veterans and Californians with behavioral health conditions through the Homekey+ program, but these are not state General Fund dollars and are therefore inadequate for meeting the housing needs of all struggling Californians.

Proposed Budget Leaves Homelessness Funding Reduced as Federal Threats Loom

California has both the resources and the responsibility to ensure every resident has a stable, dignified place to call home. In 2024, homeless service providers served over 350,000 Californians experiencing homelessness — demonstrating both the scale of need and the increased capacity of the state’s response systems. This progress was driven largely by previous one-time state investments which funded critical homelessness prevention and resolution services and drove a 9% reduction of unsheltered homelessness in 2025.

Yet despite tangible results and the record numbers of Californians being served and housed, the Governor’s proposed 2026-27 budget includes no additional or ongoing state funding to address homelessness beyond what was committed last year. This decision puts hard-won progress at risk, especially as the Trump administration is actively defunding evidence-based homelessness solutions and working toward destabilizing safely housed Californians.

The only state investment in the proposed 2026-27 budget is the maintained $500 million for the Homeless Housing, Assistance and Prevention Grant program (HHAP), which is still effectively a 50 percent cut from what the program received in previous years. HHAP, which awards local flexible funds to address homelessness dependent on various coordination and accountability measures, will be contingent on even more accountability and performance requirements for applicants to receive this round of funding.

The administration has also pointed to the restructured Behavioral Health Services Act (BHSA) as an ongoing funding source to address homelessness among people with behavioral health needs. However, BHSA does not provide new General Fund resources; it reallocates existing dollars from a voter-approved surcharge on millionaires. County behavioral health departments have flagged that this restructuring may not significantly expand their ability to serve more people due to other costs they must absorb, such as ongoing operating costs for behavioral health or supportive housing projects recently built with one-time state or bond dollars (see Behavioral Health section).

The proposed budget also allows key homelessness programs that specifically serve vulnerable populations to sunset. This includes reduced funding for the Bringing Families Home, Home Safe, and Housing and Disability Advocacy programs. For these programs combined, the governor proposes $126.8 million Total Funds ($123.6 million General Fund) in FY 2026-27, which reflects a decrease of $221.0 million Total Funds ($209.1 million General Fund) from the Budget Act of 2025 (see Family and Child Well-Being section). There are also no additional funds in 2026-27 for the Encampment Resolution Grant Program.

Finally, while the administration acknowledges increasing uncertainty for service providers and Californians who can pay their rent due to federal housing programs, the proposed budget includes no funding to backfill or mitigate potential federal cuts or funding shortfalls to Continuums of Care, Emergency Housing Vouchers, or other housing assistance programs. These threats are compounded by H.R. 1’s SNAP changes, which place harmful requirements and time limits on adults experiencing homelessness without dependents, putting many at risk of losing food assistance this year. Together, these federal actions will disproportionately harm people receiving housing assistance, people of color, mixed-status families, older adults, and people with disabilities. 

Without bold efforts to bring in revenue to support ongoing state investments, policymakers risk reversing progress and deepening a crisis that demands urgent and sustained action to continue supporting real and proven solutions for addressing homelessness.

Economic Security

Governor’s Budget Fails To Plan for Historic Federal Food Assistance Cuts

The Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP) — known as CalFresh in California — is the state’s most powerful tool in the fight against hunger. CalFresh provides modest monthly assistance to over 5.5 million Californians with low incomes to purchase food, bringing billions of federal dollars into the state each year that Californians spend in their communities, which helps boost local businesses and create jobs.

Last year, federal Republicans passed a budget bill, H.R. 1, that included the largest cuts to SNAP food assistance in the program’s history — cuts that will destabilize the state budget and harm millions of Californians, including children, older adults, and people with disabilities. In response, the governor’s proposed budget:

Despite the minimal investments into the CalFresh program, the governor’s proposed budget maintains commitments to other food assistance programs:

  • California Food Assistance Program (CFAP): The proposed budget maintains the commitment to expand CFAP to include undocumented adults age 55 and older beginning in October 2027. However, it does not include any expansion to other age groups or account for the immigrant exclusions in H.R. 1. 
  • SUN Bucks: The budget proposal allocates $73.4 million ($36.7 million General Fund) to support outreach efforts and administrative costs associated with the SUN Bucks program, which provides eligible students with a monthly benefit to purchase food over the summer months when they do not have access to daily school meals. 
  • Universal School Meals: The governor’s budget continues to fully fund the universal school meals program, which gives every student attending a public school in California access to two free meals during their school breakfast and lunch, regardless of income.

Given the scale of federal cuts to food assistance, California leaders should take meaningful steps to minimize the potential hunger spikes by making bold investments that help protect Californians in need.

Proposed Budget Maintains Refundable Tax Credits at Current Levels

California’s Earned Income Tax Credit, Young Child Tax Credit, and Foster Youth Tax Credit are refundable income tax credits that collectively help millions of families and individuals with low incomes pay for basic needs like food. These credits also help to promote racial and gender equity by directly boosting the incomes of Californians of color, immigrants, and women who are frequently blocked from economic opportunities and forced into low-paying jobs that fail to provide economic security.

The administration’s proposed budget preserves the credits at current levels, but does not propose to make any new investments to increase or expand them. While these credits already provide vital assistance to families across the state, the need for additional cash support among Californians with low incomes remains high. Sustained inflation in combination with other factors have created dire circumstances for families and individuals with low incomes, culminating in about 7 million residents lacking the resources to meet basic needs. These conditions are only further exacerbated by harmful federal actions that continue to prevent families from accessing federal tax credits, food assistance, and health care.

The budget proposal also includes just $10 million for refundable tax credit outreach, education, and free tax preparation assistance grants, which help community based organizations (CBOs) provide on-the-ground and online linguistically and culturally competent services to tax filers, including support applying for and renewing Individual Taxpayer Identification Numbers (ITINs), at no cost to eligible Californians. This funding is down significantly from prior years. Severely reduced funding will diminish the capacity of CBOs to provide essential outreach, ITIN, and tax-filing services in communities throughout the state and could increase the likelihood that tax filers turn to predatory and costly for-profit tax preparers.

Proposed Budget Makes No New Investments in Family Programs

The California Work Opportunity and Responsibility to Kids (CalWORKs) program is a critical support that provides modest cash assistance for families with low incomes, particularly families of color. While the 2025-26 budget package included significant programmatic changes to help streamline the program and make it more family-centered, the governor’s 2026-27 budget proposal does not include any new investments into the CalWORKs program and maintains levels from prior years, despite new and emerging threats. 

The governor’s budget also maintains funding for the Emergency Child Care Bridge Program for Foster Children, which provides time-limited vouchers for child care and child care navigator services for foster care system families and parenting foster youth. Proposed program funding reflects the ongoing reduction of $30 million agreed to in the 2025-26 budget. 

Additionally, the governor’s proposal includes a decrease of $221 million for housing support programs that help children and families served by the child welfare system, individuals involved in Adult Protective Services, older adults, and individuals with disabilities as a result of a lack of sustained investments in several homelessness programs (see Homelessness section).

Recent federal attacks, threatening to freeze key funding sources that support CalWORKs and other services for low-income families and vulnerable Californians, underscore the urgent need for state leaders to protect and strengthen core family and child well-being programs.

Proposed Budget Makes No New Investments in Californians with Disabilities and Older Adults

All Californians should be included, supported, and treated with dignity in their communities regardless of their age, ability, race, gender, or economic status. However, Californians with disabilities and older adults face significant barriers, with increased risks of not meeting their basic needs, experiencing poverty, and becoming homeless.

The governor’s proposed budget:

  • Maintains the current investment in the Supplemental Security Income (SSI) and State Supplementary Payment (SSP) programs. SSI/SSP are the largest cash assistance programs serving low-income older adults and Californians with disabilities. However, the budget proposal does not include any additional funding or make commitments to closing the gap between grants and the federal poverty level.

In addition to SSI/SSP, federal health care and food assistance programs are vital to supporting the daily lives of these communities, with many SSI recipients also receiving CalFresh and Medi-Cal (see Food Assistance section and Coverage, Affordability & Access section). The threats to these programs from H.R.1 could be especially devastating to these communities and highlight the need for additional support to ensure the unique challenges of our aging population and people with disabilities are not exacerbated.

Governor Neglects Child Care Promises — Programs Remain Under-Resourced

California’s child care and development programs provide critical early care and education to hundreds of thousands of children in California, allowing families to go to work and school. These programs are available at low/no-cost, with family fees capped at 1% of a family’s income. Despite the integral role that state subsidized child care programs play in both the healthy development of young children and the economy, they remain under-resourced. While funding for child care programs has expanded since the Great Recession, demand far exceeds the supply, meaning that thousands of families face prohibitively high child care costs. Moreover, recent and ongoing federal threats to California’s child care funding raises the urgency for state leaders to provide needed resources to these essential programs. Regarding child care funding and subsidized spaces, the governor’s proposed budget:

In addition to funding for subsidized spaces, California needs a stable child care provider workforce to sustain and expand programs. However, California child care providers continue to receive low wages, exacerbating racial and gender inequities and threatening to destabilize the system. In an effort to improve child care provider pay, in April 2023 the state began the process of developing an alternative methodology to pay providers based on the “true cost of care.”  This alternative methodology was completed during summer 2025, and the state has since moved on to a process for determining how the “true cost of care” estimates will result in a “single rate structure” for paying child care providers. Fundamental to this process is ensuring that this new “single rate structure” results in rates that pay child care providers a fair and just wage. Related to provider pay, the proposed budget:

Governor Provides No Support for Immigrant Californians

Immigrants and their families are deeply ingrained in the state’s social fabric. They are members of the state’s workforce, pay taxes, attend schools, own businesses, and raise families who invest in local communities. California has the largest share of immigrant residents of any state. Over one-half of all California workers are immigrants or children of immigrants, and more than 2 million Californians are undocumented, according to estimates. Undocumented immigrants in California make significant contributions to state and federal revenues, contributing $8.5 billion in state and local taxes in 2022, despite their exclusion from most public benefits.

In 2025, and so far in 2026, state and federal policies have targeted immigrants, limiting their access to health care, food assistance, and other critical services all while their lives have been severely under threat due to an unprecedented increase in immigration detention and deportation. While state leaders had made notable progress in recent years working towards a California for all where all people have access to economic opportunity and essential services, regardless of immigration status, this progress has been reversed.

At a time when the federal government is increasingly attacking immigrant communities, it is more critical than ever that California state leaders ensure the safety and well-being of all people, especially undocumented immigrants and maintain prior commitments to making an equitable state for everyone. Instead, the governor proposes no additional funding to protect and support the state’s immigrant communities and includes proposals that will impose additional harm. Specifically, the 2026-27 proposed budget:

Although the governor does not provide support for immigrant Californians, the proposed budget does maintain previous commitments to food assistance for immigrants. Specifically, the proposed budget maintains the commitment to expand the California Food Assistance Program (CFAP) to include undocumented adults age 55 and older beginning in October 2027. However, it does not include any expansion to other age groups or account for the immigrant exclusions in H.R. 1 (see Food Assistance section).

The Budget Center’s essential resources for understanding and navigating the California state budget — all in one place.

Education

Increased Education Funding Enables More Resources for Schools

Education begins in their earliest years, preparing children and youth to transition into the K-12 and higher education systems. Publicly funded education programs play a critical role in the development, learning, and well-being of children and youth in California. Investing in them through these programs helps to ensure that children and youth are prepared for school and adulthood. 

Overall, increased revenue estimates boost funding to schools and community colleges through the Proposition 98 Guarantee. The proposed budget includes significant new investments that address rising costs to schools and colleges and aims to strengthen prior initiatives focused on improving equity. Given the instability of federal funds as a result of recent legislation and other federal actions, these investments help ensure the state continues its commitment to addressing key challenges.

However, there are still major challenges ahead to ensure the state provides the resources to meet student needs, needs that also extend beyond education. Federal cuts to vital health care and safety net programs put students and families at greater risk of being able to make ends meet, thus putting their educational success at a greater risk. Helping Californians meet basic needs while adequately funding TK-14 education is especially challenging considering the context of the current federal climate and state budget landscape.

Updated Revenue Estimates Significantly Increase the Prop. 98 Guarantee

Approved by voters in 1988, Proposition 98 constitutionally guarantees a minimum level of annual funding for TK-12 schools, community colleges, and the state preschool program. The Prop. 98 guarantee tends to reflect changes in state General Fund revenues, so updates to revenue estimates change the minimum guarantee funding levels. For example, when the state revenues increase due to policy changes or overall economic growth, funding for TK-12 schools and the community colleges generally increases. Under the 2026-27 budget proposal, the Prop. 98 estimates increase by nearly $22 billion over the three-year budget window. The proposal details changes in required deposits and withdrawals across the budget window and adjusts the required maintenance factor payment. 

The chart below shows updated estimates of the guarantee in the governor’s budget compared to estimates in the June 2025 enacted budget.

Prop. 98 revised estimates and proposed adjustments include the following:

  • For 2024-25, the guarantee is revised up to $123.8 billion from $119.9 billion in June 2025. This level also reflects a settle-up payment created in the 2025 enacted budget and a higher maintenance factor payment — a required payment as a result of the suspension in 2023-24. Specifically, the maintenance factor payment is increased by $2.3 billion under revised revenue estimates, from $5.5 to $7.8 billion, leaving a balance of $585 million. 
  • For 2025-26, the guarantee is revised up to $121.4 billion from the previous estimate of $114.6. However, the governor proposes to fund the guarantee at $115.8 billion, $5.6 billion lower than what the Prop. 98 formulas require. This “settle-up,” according to the governor, is intended to mitigate the risk of revenues not fully materializing. This approach is similar to actions taken in the 2025 enacted budget for 2024-25, and it essentially moves $5.6 billion in costs to the future and the savings are used to support non-Prop.98 programs in 2025-26. No maintenance factor payment is required for 2025-26. 
  • For 2026-27 the Prop. 98 guarantee is calculated to be $125.5 billion, $7.4 billion higher compared to the prior estimate of $118.1 billion in June 2025. Similar to 2025-26, no maintenance factor payment is required in 2026-27 under the latest revenue assumptions included in the proposed budget.

The governor’s proposed budget also adjusts deposits and withdrawals for the Public School System Stabilization Account, also referred to as the Prop. 98 reserve, to reflect updated capital gains revenue estimates. In 2024-25, those adjustments increase the required deposit amount to $3.8 billion. In 2025-26, there’s a deposit of $664 million, which includes a mandatory deposit of $424 million and a discretionary one of $240 million. Lastly, for 2026-27 there’s a mandatory withdrawal of $407 million. After all of these adjustments, the revised balance in the Prop. 98 reserve is $4.1 billion at the end of the three-year budget window. See reserves section for more on budget reserves.

Transitional Kindergarten and State Preschool Continue as Planned

The California Department of Education (CDE) hosts two early learning and care programs: Transitional Kindergarten (TK) and the California State Preschool Program (CSPP). CSPP provides preschool to children ages 3 and 4 for families with low to moderate incomes (and temporarily to two-year-olds until July 2027). TK serves 4-year-olds, and eligibility is based on age alone in public schools and is not dependent on family income. Together, CSPP and TK are cornerstones of CDE’s Universal Preschool plan, which aims to expand early learning and care options for 3- and 4-year-olds in California. However, as California strives to create a mixed delivery system that centers the needs of families, the administration has the opportunity to utilize resources and implement policies in a way that integrates CSPP and TK with the broader early learning system to best support families with young children.

The governor’s proposed budget:

Budget Proposal Includes Significant One-Time and Ongoing Investments for Education Programs

The largest share of Proposition 98 funding goes to California’s school districts, charter schools, and county offices of education (COEs), which provide instruction to 5.9 million students. Education funding flows primarily through the Local Control Funding Formula (LCFF), which provides school districts, charter schools, and COEs a base grant per student, adjusted to reflect the number of students at various grade levels, as well as additional grants for the costs of educating English learners, students from low-income families, and foster youth. Other funds flow through a number of categorical programs such as the Expanded Learning Opportunities Program, special education, and other shorter-term investments.

The governor’s budget proposal provides the financial resources to expand existing programs and provides additional one-time funds to school districts, including a new discretionary block grant. Notable ongoing investments in the proposed budget include:

The TK-12 education budget also includes significant one-time investments. Specifically, the spending plan proposes:

Proposed Budget Expands Support for the Community Colleges

A portion of Proposition 98 funding provides support for California’s Community Colleges (CCCs), the largest postsecondary education system in the country, which serves high percentages of students of color and students with low incomes. CCCs prepare more than 1.8 million students to transfer to four-year institutions or to obtain training and employment skills.

The 2026-27 proposed spending plan increases support to the community colleges through a cost-of-living adjustment, funds for increased costs, and a flexible block grant. The proposal also strengthens initiatives introduced in prior budgets. Specifically, the proposed spending plan:

  • Allocates $271 million for a 2.41% COLA for the funding formula and other programs. This includes $241 million for the Student Centered Funding Formula and $31 million for other categorical programs. 
  • Provides $176 million for other formula adjustments and enrollment growth. The proposal includes a total of $87.2 million for enrollment growth, which includes $31.9 million for a 0.5 percent growth and an additional $55.3 million for a 1 percent growth in 2025-26. Additionally, the proposal provides a one-time increase of $88.7 million to support increased formula costs in addition to the COLA.
  • Allocates $100 million one-time for a flexible block grant. The budget proposal does not provide any detail on how the  “Student Support Block Grant” will be allocated to colleges or the intended use of those funds. 
  • Provides $78 million in one-time and ongoing funds to strengthen recent initiatives. This includes $41 million to further expand a common cloud data platform and $37 million to continue implementation of credit for prior learning efforts as part of the Master Plan for Career Education. 
  • Allocates $38.1 million to Calbright College, the online community college. The proposal states that these funds will provide more stable funding for the college as it “transitions out of its startup capacity.”

Our resources on the California state budget can help us all ask: What kind of California do you want to live in? See our guides, videos, and more hosted on our Budget Academy!

Justice System

Budget Projects Drop in Prison Population, Fails to Propose Prison Closures

Roughly 90,360 adults convicted of a felony offense are serving their sentences at the state level, down from a peak of 173,600 in 2007. This sizable drop in incarceration is largely due to a series of justice system reforms adopted by state policymakers and the voters since the late 2000s, including Proposition 47, which California voters passed in 2014. (See Prop. 47 investments section.)

Despite this substantial progress in reducing incarceration, American Indian, Black, and Latinx Californians are disproportionately represented in state prisons — a disparity that reflects racist practices in the justice system as well as the social and economic disadvantages that communities of color continue to face due to historical and ongoing discrimination and exclusion.

Among all incarcerated adults, most — around 87,280 — are housed in state prisons designed to hold roughly 71,660 people. This overcrowding equals about 122% of the prison system’s “design capacity,” which is below the prison population cap — 137.5% of design capacity — established by a 2009 federal court order. California also houses around 3,080 people in facilities that are not subject to the cap, including fire camps, community-based facilities that provide rehabilitative services, and Department of State Hospitals facilities.

The governor’s proposed spending plan:

Governor Includes Little Funding to Cover Proposition 36’s Unfunded Costs

In 2024, voters approved Proposition 36, increasing penalties for certain drug and theft offenses. For example, Prop. 36 reversed some of the sentencing reforms put in place by Prop. 47 of 2014. In addition, Prop. 36 established a new process allowing prosecutors to charge people with a “treatment-mandated felony” for possessing illegal drugs. Yet, even with Prop. 36, most of the justice system reforms adopted by state policymakers and voters over the past couple of decades remain in effect.

By increasing punishment for drug and theft crimes, Prop. 36 has created new costs — including for incarceration, probation, and the courts — at the state and local levels.

However, Prop. 36 amounts to a huge unfunded mandate. The measure provided no new revenue to pay for these additional state and local costs — even though Californians were promised that Prop. 36 would provide evidence-based treatment, housing solutions, and programs to increase community health and safety. Instead, Prop. 36 assumes that state and local officials can accommodate the measure’s costs in their already strained budgets.

As a result, state and local leaders have to decide how to pay for the unfunded costs created by Prop. 36 even as they struggle to close budget deficits for the upcoming fiscal year and beyond.

The governor’s proposed 2026-27 state budget:

  • Does not provide new funds to help address Prop. 36’s unfunded costs at the state or local levels. Instead, the governor suggests that some of the savings generated by Prop. 47 could be used to pay for Prop. 36 court-ordered treatment programs (see Prop. 47 investments section). This approach — shifting Prop. 47 dollars to pay for Prop. 36 programs — would displace important mental health and substance use services that otherwise would be funded through Prop. 47.

Proposed Budget Projects Decline in Proposition 47 Savings in Coming Years

Passed by voters in 2014, Proposition 47 reduced penalties for six nonviolent drug and property crimes from felonies to misdemeanors. As a result, state prison generally has not been a sentencing option for these crimes. Instead, people convicted of a Prop. 47 offense have served their sentence in county jail and/or received probation.

However, with the passage of Prop. 36 in November 2024, some of Prop. 47’s sentencing reforms have been reversed. Key changes enacted by Prop. 36 as well as their potential impact are described at the end of this section.

How Prop. 47 Savings Are Determined and Allocated

By decreasing state-level incarceration beginning in 2014, Prop. 47 reduced the cost of the prison system relative to the expected cost if Prop. 47 had not been approved by voters. The state Department of Finance is required to annually calculate these state savings, which are deposited into the Safe Neighborhoods and Schools Fund and used as follows:

  • 65% for behavioral health services — which includes mental health services and substance use treatment — as well as diversion programs for individuals who have been arrested, charged, or convicted of crimes. These funds are distributed as competitive grants administered by the Board of State and Community Corrections.
  • 25% for K-12 school programs to support vulnerable youth. These funds are distributed as competitive grants administered by the California Department of Education.
  • 10% to trauma recovery services for crime victims. These funds are distributed as competitive grants administered by the California Victim Compensation Board.

California Has Allocated $908 Million in Prop. 47 Funds Through 2025-26

Since 2016, California has allocated $907.5 million in state prison savings attributable to Prop. 47. These funds have been invested in local programs that support healing and keep communities safe.

For example, research has found that people who received Prop. 47-funded behavioral health services and/or participated in diversion programs were much less likely to be convicted of a new crime. Individuals enrolled in these programs had a recidivism rate of just 15.3% — two to three times lower than is typical for people who serve prison sentences (recidivism rates range from 35% to 45% for these individuals).

Governor’s Proposed Budget Estimates $81 Million in Prop. 47 Savings to Invest in Local Communities in 2026-27

The budget estimates $81.3 million in Prop. 47 savings due to reduced state-level incarceration — dollars that will be invested in local communities starting in 2026-27. (These savings are attributable to the 2025-26 fiscal year, but will become available for expenditure in 2026-27.) With these additional funds, Prop. 47’s total investment in California’s communities will reach nearly $989 million, up from the current $908 million (through 2025-26).

Prop. 47 Savings Will Decline Due to Prop. 36

With the passage of Prop. 36 in November 2024, voters increased penalties for certain drug and theft offenses, including by reversing some of Prop. 47’s sentencing reforms (see Prop. 36 Impacts section). For example, Prop. 36 allows simple drug possession, petty theft, and shoplifting to be charged as felonies in certain circumstances. Under Prop. 47’s rules, these crimes were generally misdemeanors.

The administration estimates that the longer sentences allowed by Prop. 36 will increase the prison population by 562 in 2025-26 and by about 1,200 upon full implementation. (The overall prison population is projected to continue to decline due to the offsetting impact of justice system reforms that remain in effect.) As a result, the annual savings associated with Prop. 47 is expected to drop. For example, Prop. 47 allocations are anticipated to fall from $91.5 million in 2025-26 to $81.3 million in 2026-27 to $72.9 million in 2027-28 — a decline of 20% over this period. Prop. 36 is likely a key factor contributing to this substantial drop.

In short, because of Prop. 36, tens of millions of dollars that would otherwise have supported behavioral health treatment and other critical services over the coming years is expected to be shifted back to the state prison system.

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POR QUÉ NOS ENFOCAMOS EN EL PRESUPUESTO ESTATAL

Cada año, el gobernador y la asamblea legislativa adoptan un presupuesto estatal que  provee un marco y fondos para servicios y sistemas públicos esenciales: desde cuidado infantil y atención médica y transporte hasta universidades y escuelas de jardín de infantes al décimo primer grado. 

Pero el presupuesto estatal no es solo dólares y centavos. 

El presupuesto expresa nuestros valores así como nuestras prioridades para los  californianos y como estado. En su mejor versión, el presupuesto debe reflejar nuestra  labor colectiva para expandir las oportunidades económicas, promover el bienestar y mejorar las vidas de los californianos que no tiene la oportunidad de compartir la riqueza de nuestro estado y merecen tener dignidad y apoyo para vivir vidas prósperas. 

Las elecciones del presupuesto estatal afectan a todos los californianos. Estas decisiones afectan la calidad de nuestras escuelas y nuestra atención médica, el costo de la educación terciaria, el acceso de las familias a cuidado infantil y vivienda asequibles, la disponibilidad de servicios y apoyo financiero para ayudar a los adultos mayores a envejecer sin tener que mudarse, y muchísimo más. 

Como el presupuesto estatal afecta tantos servicios y nuestras vidas cotidianas, es esencial que los californianos entiendan el proceso de presupuesto anual y participen en él para asegurar que los líderes del estado tomen las decisiones estratégicas necesarias para permitir que todo californiano, sin importar su raza, sus antecedentes ni dónde se encuentre, prospere y pueda participar en la vida económica y social de nuestro estado. 

Este informe ofrece información sobre el presupuesto estatal y su proceso con la meta de  brindar a los californianos las herramientas que necesitan para interactuar eficazmente con los encargados de tomar decisiones y abogar por decisiones políticas justas y equitativas.

CONCLUSIONES CLAVE

Temas más importantes

  1. El plan de gastos del estado no es solo dólares y centavos.
    • La creación del presupuesto les da a los californianos la oportunidad de expresar  sus valores y prioridades como estado.
  2. La Constitución estatal expone las normas del proceso presupuestario.
    • Entre otras cosas, estas normas permiten que los legisladores aprueben los gastos mediante un voto de mayoría simple, pero exige un voto de las dos terceras partes para aumentar los impuestos. Los votantes modifican el proceso presupuestario periódicamente aprobando enmiendas constitucionales.
  3. El gobernador tiene una función de liderazgo en el proceso presupuestario.
    • Proponer un presupuesto estatal para el año fiscal siguiente le da al gobernador la  primera palabra en las deliberaciones presupuestarias de cada año.
    • La revisión de mayo le da al gobernador otra oportunidad de establecer el plan  presupuestario y político para el estado.
    • En general, el poder de veto le otorga la última palabra al gobernador.
  4. La asamblea legislativa revisa y modifica las propuestas del gobernador.
    • Los legisladores pueden modificar las propuestas del gobernador e impulsar sus  propias iniciativas al elaborar su versión del presupuesto antes de negociar un  acuerdo con el gobernador.
  5. Las decisiones presupuestarias se toman durante todo el año.
    • El público tiene varias oportunidades de expresar sus opiniones en el proceso  presupuestario.
    • Esto incluye escribir cartas de apoyo o protesta, atestiguar en audiencias legislativas  y reunirse con funcionarios del gobierno de gobernador, así como legisladores y miembros de su personal.
    • En pocas palabras, los californianos tienen amplias oportunidades de participar en el proceso presupuestario durante todo el año.

DATOS CLAVE SOBRE EL PRESUPUESTO ESTATAL DE CALIFORNIA

PRESUPUESTO ESTATAL = FONDOS ESTATALES + FONDOS

federales tres tipos de fondos estatales

Existen tres tipos de fondos estatales que conforman casi las dos terceras partes (64.8%)  de presupuesto de $495.6 billones de California para 2025-26, el año fiscal que comenzó el  1 de julio de 2025. Específicamente:

  1. Fondo general: El fondo general estatal cuenta con ingresos públicos que no están  designados para un propósito específico. La mayor parte de los fondos para la educación, los servicios de salud y humanos y las prisiones del estado viene del fondo general.
  2. Fondos especiales: Existen más de 500 fondos estatales especiales que administran  impuestos, tasas y licencias designados para un propósito específico.
  3. Fondos de bonos: Los fondos de bonos del estado registran la recepción y el desembolso de los recursos provenientes de bonos de obligación general (GO).

Los fondos federales constituyen el resto (35.2%) del presupuesto estatal de 2025-26. 

LA MAYOR PARTE DE LOS INGRESOS PÚBLICOS DEL FONDO ESTATAL  GENERAL Y ESPECIAL VIENE DE TRES FUENTES

los “tres grandes” impuestos de california

La mayor parte de los ingresos públicos vienen de los “tres grandes” impuestos de  California. El total estimado de ingresos públicos del fondo general y el fondo especial  combinados en 2025-26 es $296.7 billones, de los cuales casi el 73% ($215.8 billones) proviene de los tres grandes impuestos. Los tres grandes impuestos de California son:

  1. Impuesto sobre los ingresos personales: Este es un impuesto sobre los ingresos de los residentes de California, así como sobre los ingresos de los no residentes provenientes de fuentes ubicadas en California. Es la mayor fuente de ingresos del estado de California.
  2. Impuesto sobre las ventas y el uso: Este es un impuesto sobre la compra de bienes  tangibles en California (el impuesto sobre las ventas) o sobre el uso en California de bienes tangibles que fueron adquiridos en otro lugar (el impuesto sobre el uso). Los servicios están excluidos del impuesto sobre las ventas y el uso, al igual que otros artículos exentos  por ley, incluidos los alimentos y los medicamentos. El impuesto sobre las ventas y el uso es la segunda mayor fuente de ingresos públicos del estado de California.
  3. Impuesto sobre las corporaciones: Este es un impuesto que se aplica a las corporaciones que hacen negocios en California o que obtienen ingresos provenientes de California, con  la excepción de las compañías de seguros, que en su lugar pagan el impuesto sobre los seguros. El impuesto sobre las corporaciones es la tercera mayor fuente de ingresos públicos del estado de California.

Se estima que otros ingresos públicos del estado forman más de una cuarta parte (27.3 %) del total proyectado de ingresos del fondo general y de los fondos especiales en 2025-26.  Estos otros ingresos públicos provienen de una amplia variedad de fuentes, incluidos impuestos, tarifas y multas.

EL PRESUPUESTO DEL ESTADO ES UN PRESUPUESTO LOCAL

Los dólares que se gastan a través del presupuesto estatal se destinan a personas,  comunidades e instituciones en todo California. Según el presupuesto estatal aprobado para 2025-26: 

  • Cuatro quintos de los gastos totales (80.6%) se destina en calidad de “asistencia  local” a las escuelas públicas de jardín de infantes al décimo segundo grado, las escuelas terciarias comunitarias (Colleges), las familias inscritas en el programa  CalWORKs y otros servicios y sistemas esenciales del estado que funcionan localmente.
  • Casi un quinto de los gastos totales (17.9%) se destina a 23 universidades estatales de California, más de 30 prisiones estatales y otros destinatarios de dólares para “operaciones estatales”.
  • Menos del 2 % del gasto total se destina a “gastos de capital”, que apoyan proyectos de infraestructura en todo California. (La asistencia local y los fondos de  operaciones estatales también financian infraestructura).

LOS FONDOS DEL ESTADO FINANCIAN PRINCIPALMENTE LOS SERVICIOS  DE SALUD Y HUMANOS O LA EDUCACIÓN

Según el presupuesto estatal aprobado para 2025-26: 

  • Casi 3 de cada 4 dólares del fondo general y el fondo especial financian tres categorías de gastos: servicios de salud y humanos (42%), educación de jardín de infantes al décimo segundo grado (25.1%), y educación superior (7.2%).
  • Más del 5% de los dólares del fondo general y especial se destinan al sistema correccional, principalmente el sistema de prisiones estatales.
  • El saldo de estos dólares financian otros servicios esenciales (tales como el  transporte y la protección medioambiental) e instituciones (tales como el sistema de tribunales estatales).

LOS FONDOS FEDERALES FINANCIAN PRINCIPALMENTE SERVICIOS DE SALUD Y HUMANOS

Según el presupuesto estatal aprobado para 2025-26:

  • Casi cuatro quintos de los dólares federales (78.3%) financian programas de servicios de salud y humanos.
  • El saldo de los dólares federales financia otros servicios esenciales, como el desarrollo de la fuerza laboral, la educación de jardín de infantes al décimo segundo grado, la educación superior y el transporte.

EL PRESUPUESTO ESTATAL FORMA PARTE DE UN PAQUETE DE  PROYECTOS DE LEY

El presupuesto estatal nunca se presenta de manera aislada. En su lugar, avanza como parte de un paquete de legislación que por lo general incluye entre dos y tres docenas de  proyectos de ley, y en ocasiones muchos más, en particular en los años en que existe un déficit presupuestario y los líderes estatales necesitan hacer múltiples cambios para  equilibrar el presupuesto. En 2025, el gobernador Newsom firmó casi 50 proyectos de ley  relacionados con el presupuesto.

cuatro tipos de proyectos de ley relacionados con el presupuesto

El paquete presupuestario incluye dos tipos de proyectos de ley presupuestarios con  proyectos de ley asociados y otras leyes relacionadas con el presupuesto.

  1. Ley de Presupuesto: El presupuesto estatal se conoce formalmente como la Ley de  Presupuesto. La Ley de Presupuesto es el presupuesto inicial aprobado por la asamblea  legislativa y firmada por el gobernador para convertirla en ley. En general, los proyectos de ley presupuestarios:
    • Otorgan autoridad para gastar dinero (“apropiaciones”) en una gama de servicios y sistemas públicos para un solo año.
    • Pasan por los comités presupuestarios de la asamblea legislativa según su propio  calendario.
  2. Proyecto de ley presupuestario junior: Este es el término informal que se utiliza para  referirse a cualquier proyecto de ley presupuestario que modifica la Ley de Presupuesto, por ejemplo, aumentando o reduciendo los gastos autorizados. No existe un límite en la cantidad de proyectos de ley presupuestarios complementarios que pueden incluirse en  un paquete presupuestario. Esto significa que las autoridades estatales pueden modificar la Ley de Presupuesto tantas veces como lo deseen mediante la aprobación de proyectos de ley presupuestarios adicionales.
  3. Proyectos de ley remolque (trailer bills): El paquete presupuestario del estado también incluye proyectos de ley remolque. Los proyectos de ley remolque generalmente introducen cambios en la legislación estatal relacionados con la Ley de Presupuesto y, al igual que los proyectos de ley presupuestarios, avanzan a través de los comités presupuestarios de la asamblea legislativa. Además, los proyectos de ley remolque:
    • Deben contener al menos una asignación presupuestaria y estar incluidos en la Ley de Presupuesto, un requisito que los vincula directamente con el presupuesto estatal.
    • Están organizados por grandes áreas de política pública dentro del presupuesto.  Por ejemplo, los cambios relacionados con la salud se incluirían en un proyecto de ley remolque para la “salud” y los cambios relacionados con la vivienda se incluirían en un proyecto de ley remolque para la “vivienda”, y así sucesivamente.
  4. Otros proyectos de ley relacionados con el presupuesto: Se pueden incluir otros  proyectos de ley en el paquete presupuestario de tanto en tanto. Estos son proyectos de ley que avanzan independientemente de la Ley de Presupuesto (y por lo tanto no son  proyectos de ley remolque) pero igual se consideran parte del marco del presupuesto estatal. Esto puede incluir, por ejemplo, leyes para aumentar los impuestos o presentar enmiendas constitucionales a los votantes así como los proyectos de ley aprobados en una sesión especial de la asamblea legislativa. Estas otras leyes relacionadas con el presupuesto pueden avanzar ya sea a través de los comités de políticas de la asamblea legislativa como a través de los comités presupuestarios.

TÉRMINOS Y DEFINICIONES


EL MARCO CONSTITUCIONAL

LA CONSTITUCIÓN ESTATAL EXPONE LAS NORMAS DEL PROCESO PRESUPUESTARIO

El gobernador y los legisladores crean el plan anual de gastos del estado conforme a normas delineadas en la Constitución del estado.

Los votantes de California cambian estas normas periódicamente cuando aprueban enmiendas constitucionales que aparecen en la boleta electoral.

  • Las propuestas de modificar la Constitución del estado se pueden incluir en la  boleta electoral a través de una iniciativa de los ciudadanos o a través de la asamblea legislativa. 
  • Una enmienda constitucional entra en efecto si es aprobada por una mayoría simple de los votantes.

TRES PLAZOS DE VENCIMIENTO CLAVES DEL PRESUPUESTO

DOS EN LA CONSTITUCIÓN DEL ESTADO (10 DE ENERO Y 15 DE JUNIO) UNA EN LA LEY ESTATAL (4 DE MAYO)



El gobernador debe proponer un presupuesto para el año fiscal venidero a más tardar el 10 de enero. El presupuesto debe estar balanceado: Los ingresos públicos estimados (según lo determine el gobernador) deben cubrir o superar los gastos propuestos por el gobernador.


El gobernador debe publicar la revisión de mayo a más tardar el 14 de mayo. La asamblea legislativa debe aprobar un proyecto de ley presupuestario para el año fiscal siguiente a más tardar la medianoche del 15 de junio.


El proyecto de ley presupuestario debe estar balanceado: Los ingresos públicos estimados del fondo general (como se expone en el proyecto de ley presupuestario aprobado por la asamblea legislativa) debe cubrir o superar los gastos del fondo general.

PROPOSICIÓN 25: VOTO POR MAYORÍA SIMPLE PARA LOS PROYECTOS DE  LEY PRESUPUESTARIOS Y LA MAYORÍA DE LOS PROYECTOS DE LEY REMOLQUE (TRAILER)

El paquete presupuestario, por lo general, puede aprobarse con un voto de mayoría simple en cada cámara de la asamblea legislativa.

  • La proposición 25 de 2010 permite a los legisladores aprobar, mediante un voto de  mayoría simple, tanto los proyectos de ley presupuestarios como los proyectos de  ley complementarios, los cuales pueden entrar en vigor tan pronto como el gobernador los firme.
  • Conforme a las normas de la proposición 25, los proyectos de ley remolque deben  (1) incluirse en la lista de la Ley de Presupuesto y (2) contener una apropiación de cualquier monto.
  • Incluso con la proposición 25, algunos tipos de proyectos de ley remolque que se  podrían incluir en el paquete presupuestario requerirán una supermayoría: generalmente dos tercios del voto de cada cámara. Esto incluye, por ejemplo, los proyectos de ley que aumentan los impuestos o enmiendan una ley estatal que fue aprobada por los votantes mediante una iniciativa en la boleta electoral. Sin embargo, la mayoría de los proyectos de ley remolque en el paquete presupuestario solo necesitarán un voto de mayoría simple para ser aprobados.

PROPOSICIÓN 25: SANCIONES POR ATRASO DEL PRESUPUESTO

Los legisladores enfrentan sanciones si no aprueban el proyecto de ley presupuestario a más tardar el 15 de junio.

  • La proposición 25 exige que los legisladores pierdan de forma permanente tanto su salario como el reembolso de gastos de viaje y manutención por cada día posterior al 15 de junio que se atrase la aprobación del proyecto de ley presupuestario y su  envío al gobernador.
  • Estas sanciones no se aplican a los proyectos de ley relacionados con el presupuesto, los cuales no están obligados a aprobarse a más tardar el 15 de junio.

PROPOSICIÓN 26: VOTO POR SUPERMAYORÍA PARA LOS AUMENTOS DE IMPUESTOS

Todo aumento de impuestos requiere un voto de dos terceras partes de cada cámara de la  asamblea legislativa.

  • Conforme a la Constitución del estado, “todo cambio en el estatuto estatal que causa que un contribuyente pague impuestos más altos” requiere un voto de las dos terceras partes de cada cámara.
  • Esta norma fue impuesta por la proposición 26 de 2010. Esta medida expandió la  definición de un aumento de impuestos y por lo tanto el alcance del requisito del  voto de las dos terceras partes, que fue impuesto originalmente por la proposición 13 de 1978.
  • Antes de la proposición 26, solo los proyectos de ley que cambiaban los impuestos  estatales “para el propósito de aumentar los ingresos públicos” requerían un voto de las dos terceras partes. Los proyectos de ley que aumentaban algunos impuestos pero reducían otros por una cantidad equivalente o mayor podían aprobarse mediante una mayoría simple de votos en cada cámara.

PROPOSICIÓN 26: SE CLASIFICAN MÁS CARGOS COMO IMPUESTOS

La proposición 26 de 2010 también expandió la definición de impuesto para incluir algunas tarifas.

  • Antes de la proposición 26, los legisladores podían crear o aumentar las tarifas mediante un voto de mayoría simple. Estas tarifas aprobadas por mayoría incluían tarifas regulatorias destinadas a abordar problemas de salud, ambientales u otros causados por diversos productos como el alcohol, el petróleo o los materiales peligrosos.
  • La proposición 26 reclasificó las tarifas regulatorias y algunas otras como impuestos. Por esta razón, ahora se requiere un voto de las dos terceras partes de cada cámara de la asamblea legislativa para muchos cargos que antes se consideraban tarifas y podían aprobarse por voto de mayoría simple.

REQUISITOS ADICIONALES DE VOTO POR SUPERMAYORÍA

La Constitución estatal requiere un voto de dos terceras partes de cada cámara de la asamblea legislativa para:

  • Apropiar dinero para el fondo general, excepto para las apropiaciones que son para  las escuelas públicas o que se incluyen en proyectos de ley presupuestarios o proyectos de ley remolque (trailer).
  • Aprobar proyectos de ley que entran en vigencia de inmediato (estatutos urgentes),  excepto los proyectos de ley presupuestarios y los proyectos de ley remolque (trailer).
  • Someter enmiendas constitucionales o medidas de bonos de obligación general a la  consideración de los votantes.
  • Anular el veto del gobernador a un proyecto de ley o a un elemento de gasto específico.

PROPOSICIÓN 54: UN PROYECTO DE LEY SE DEBE PUBLICAR DURANTE  POR LO MENOS 72 HORAS ANTES DE QUE LA ASAMBLEA LEGISLATIVA PUEDA ACTUAR EN RELACIÓN A ÉL

La proposición 54 de 2016 requiere que los proyectos de ley se distribuyan a los legisladores y se publiquen en internet, en su formato final, al menos 72 horas antes de ser aprobados por la asamblea legislativa.

Esta norma es aplicable a todos los proyectos de ley, incluso el proyecto de ley presupuestario y otras leyes incluidas en el paquete presupuestario.

Este período de revisión obligatorio se puede eximir para un proyecto de ley si:

  • El gobernador declara una emergencia en respuesta a un desastre o un peligro extremo, y
  • Las dos terceras partes de los legisladores en la cámara de representantes que consideran el proyecto de ley votan por renunciar al período de revisión.

PROPOSICIÓN 98: UNA GARANTÍA DE FONDOS PARA LAS ESCUELAS DE  JARDÍN DE INFANTES AL DÉCIMO SEGUNDO GRADO Y LAS ESCUELAS TERCIARIAS COMUNITARIAS

La proposición 98 de 1988 garantiza un nivel anual mínimo de fondos para la educación de  jardín infantes hasta el segundo año de educación terciaria.

  • El monto garantizado se calcula cada año en base a una de tres pruebas que se aplican conforme a condiciones fiscales y económicas. Dos de estas pruebas incluyen ajustes por cambios en la asistencia a las escuelas primarias y secundarias en todo el estado. Los fondos de la proposición 98 provienen del fondo general y de los ingresos públicos generados por impuestos locales sobre la propiedad.
  • La asamblea legislativa puede suspender la garantía por un solo año mediante un  voto de las dos terceras partes de cada cámara y proporcionar menos fondos. Después de una suspensión, el estado debe aumentar los fondos de la proposición  98 con el paso del tiempo al nivel que hubiera alcanzado si no se hubiera implementado la suspensión.
  • Aunque la asamblea legislativa puede proveer más fondos de los que requiere la  proposición 98, en general, la garantía a servido como un nivel de fondos máximo.

PROPOSICIÓN 2: AHORROS PARA UN DÍA DE LLUVIA, PAGO DE DEUDAS

La proposición 2 de 2014 revisó las reglas que se aplican a la cuenta de estabilización  presupuestaria (BSA, por sus siglas en inglés), el fondo constitucional de “emergencia” del  estado, y también estableció un nuevo requisito para reducir la deuda presupuestaria del estado.

  • El estado está obligado a reservar cada año el 1.5% de los ingresos del fondo general, además de dólares adicionales en los años en que los ingresos tributarios provenientes de las ganancias de capital son particularmente elevados.
  • Hasta 2029-30, la mitad de estos ingresos se deposita en la BSA y la otra mitad debe  utilizarse para reducir la deuda presupuestaria del estado, que incluye pasivos no  financiados de pensiones. A partir de 2030-31, la totalidad de la transferencia anual se depositará en la BSA.
  • Los responsables de formular políticas públicas del estado pueden suspender o reducir el depósito en la BSA y retirar fondos de la reserva, pero únicamente en circunstancias limitadas que califiquen como una “emergencia presupuestaria”.

PROPOSICIÓN 2: UNA RESERVA PRESUPUESTARIA PARA LA EDUCACIÓN  DE JARDÍN DE INFANTES HASTA EL SEGUNDO AÑO DE EDUCACIÓN TERCIARIA

La proposición 2 de 2014 también creó una reserva para el presupuesto del estado para las escuelas de jardín de infantes al décimo segundo grado llamada la cuenta de estabilización del sistema de escuelas públicas (Public School System Stabilization Account)  (PSSSA).

  • Los depósitos provienen de los ingresos públicos de los impuestos sobre las  ganancias de capital cuando esos ingresos son particularmente elevados.
  • Sin embargo, se deben cumplir varias condiciones antes de poder transferir estos dólares a la PSSSA. Por ejemplo, las transferencias solo pueden ocurrir en los así  llamados años “prueba 1” conforme a la proposición 98, que han sido relativamente infrecuentes.

PROPOSICIÓN 55: FONDOS NUEVOS POTENCIALES PARA MEDI-CAL GRACIAS A UN IMPUESTO A LOS CALIFORNIANOS MÁS PUDIENTES

La proposición 55 de 2016 extiende hasta finales de 2030 los aumentos en la tasa de impuestos sobre la renta personales para los californianos con ingresos muy elevados y establece una fórmula para impulsar los fondos para Medi-Cal, que proporciona servicios  de atención médica a los californianos con ingresos bajos.

  • A partir de 2018-19, los ingresos públicos del fondo general, incluso los obtenidos por la proposición 55, deben usarse primero para financiar (1) la garantía anual de la proposición 98 para las escuelas de jardín de infantes a décimo segundo grado y las escuelas terciarias comunitarias, y (2) el costo de otros servicios que fueron autorizados a partir del 1 de enero de 2016, ajustado según los cambios poblacionales, los mandatos federales y otros factores.
  • Si queda algún ingreso público de la proposición 55 después de cumplir con estos gastos obligatorios, Medi-Cal recibirá el 50% de este exceso, hasta un máximo de $2  billones en cualquier año fiscal.
  • La proposición 55 aún no ha generado fondos adicionales para Medi-Cal.

PROPOSICIÓN 4: LÍMITE DE APROPIACIONES ESTATALES (STATE  APPROPRIATIONS LIMIT) (SAL): UN LÍMITE PARA LOS GASTOS

Las apropiaciones están sujetas a un límite establecido por la proposición 4 de 1979, según modificada por iniciativas posteriores. Este límite de gastos se suele denominar el límite Gann.

  • El SAL limita la cantidad de ganancias por impuestos estatales que se puede apropiar cada año. Este límite se ajusta anualmente según los cambios de población y los ingresos personales por persona.
  • Algunas apropiaciones de las ganancias impositivas no se cuentan para calcular el  límite, como los gastos de servicio de las deudas y los gastos necesarios para cumplir con mandatos judiciales o federales.
  • Los ingresos públicos que superan el SAL durante un plazo de dos años se dividen por igual entre gastos de la proposición 98 y reembolsos a los contribuyentes. El estado superó por última vez el SAL en 2020-21 (pero no lo hizo el año anterior).

MANDATOS ESTATALES: HAY QUE PAGARLOS O SUSPENDERLOS

El estado está obligado a pagar los mandatos que impone a los gobiernos locales o suspenderlos.

  • La proposición 4 de 1979 exige que el estado reembolse a los gobiernos locales los costos relacionados con un programa nuevo o un nivel más elevado de servicio exigido por el estado.
  • La proposición 1A de 2004 expandió la definición de un mandato para incluir la  transferencia de responsabilidad financiera del gobierno estatal a los gobiernos locales.
  • La proposición 1A también requiere que el estado suspenda un mandato todo año en el que los costos de los gobiernos locales no se reembolsen por completo.

¿QUÉ HACEN EL GOBERNADOR Y LA ASAMBLEA  LEGISLATIVA?

El gobernador:

Aprueba, modifica o rechaza las propuestas de gastos preparadas por los  departamentos y agencias estatales mediante un proceso interno coordinado por el Departamento de Finanzas.

La asamblea legislativa:

Aprueba, modifica o rechaza las propuestas del gobernador.


¿QUÉ PASA Y CUÁNDO?

CRONOGRAMA DEL PRESUPUESTO ESTATAL

El proceso del presupuesto estatal es cíclico. Se toman decisiones durante todo el año.


RECURSOS DEL PRESUPUESTO ESTATAL

  • Departamento de Finanzas: Propuestas presupuestarias del gobernador y documentos relacionados.
  • Oficina del analista legislativo: Análisis presupuestarios y de políticas públicas,  recomendaciones y datos presupuestarios históricos.
  • Asesor legislativo: Proyectos de ley y análisis de proyectos de ley, un servicio gratuito de seguimiento de proyectos de ley, los códigos estatales y la Constitución del estado.
  • Asamblea y senado estatal: Programas y otras publicaciones de los comités, cronogramas de sesiones de la asamblea legislativa y de los comités, el calendario legislativo anual y vídeo en vivo y de archivo de los procedimientos legislativos.

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Why We Focus on the State Budget

Every year, California’s governor and Legislature adopt a state budget that provides a framework and funding for critical public services and systems — from child care and health care to housing and transportation to colleges and K-12 schools.

But the state budget is about more than dollars and cents. The budget expresses our values as well as our priorities for Californians and as a state. At its best, the budget should reflect our collective efforts to expand economic opportunities, promote well-being, and improve the lives of Californians who are denied the chance to share in our state’s wealth and who deserve the dignity and support to lead thriving lives.

State budget choices have an impact on all Californians. These decisions affect the quality of our schools and health care, the cost of a college education, families’ access to affordable child care and housing, the availability of services and financial support to help older adults age in place, and so much more.

Because the state budget touches so many services and our everyday lives, it is critical for Californians to understand and participate in the annual budget process to ensure that state leaders are making the strategic choices needed to allow every Californian — from different races, backgrounds, and places — to thrive and share in our state’s economic and social life.

This report sheds light on the state budget and the budget process with the goal of giving Californians the tools they need to effectively engage decision makers and advocate for fair and just policy choices.

Key Takeaways

The Bottom Line

  1. The state spending plan is about more than dollars and cents.
    • Crafting the budget provides an opportunity for Californians to express our values and priorities as a state.
  2. The state Constitution establishes the rules of the budget process.
    • Among other things, these rules allow lawmakers to approve spending with a simple majority vote, but require a two-thirds vote to increase taxes. Voters periodically revise the budget process by approving constitutional amendments.
  3. The governor has the lead role in the budget process.
    • Proposing a state budget for the upcoming fiscal year gives the governor the first word in each year’s budget deliberations.
    • The May Revision gives the governor another opportunity to set the budget and policy agenda for the state.
    • Veto power generally gives the governor the last word.
  4. The Legislature reviews and revises the governor’s proposals.
    • Lawmakers can alter the governor’s proposals and advance their own initiatives as they craft their version of the budget prior to negotiating an agreement with the governor.
  5. Budget decisions are made throughout the year.
    • The public has various opportunities for input during the budget process.
    • This includes writing letters of support or opposition, testifying at legislative hearings, and meeting with officials from the governor’s administration as well as with legislators and members of their staff.
    • In short, Californians have ample opportunity to stay engaged and involved in the budget process year-round.

Key Facts About California’s State Budget

The State Budget = State Funds + Federal Funds

Three Kinds of State Funds

Three kinds of state funds account for almost two-thirds (64.8%) of California’s $495.6 billion budget for 2025-26, the fiscal year that began on July 1, 2025. Specifically:

  1. General Fund — The state General Fund accounts for revenues that are not designated for a specific purpose. Most state support for education, health and human services, and state prisons comes from the General Fund.
  2. Special Funds — Over 500 state special funds account for taxes, fees, and licenses that are designated for a specific purpose.
  3. Bond Funds — State bond funds account for the receipt and disbursement of general obligation (GO) bond proceeds.

Federal funds comprise the rest (35.2%) of the state’s 2025-26 budget.

Most State General Fund and Special Fund Revenue Comes From Three Sources

California’s “big three” taxes

Most state revenue comes from California’s “Big Three” taxes. In 2025-26, General Fund and special fund revenue combined is estimated to total $296.7 billion, with almost 73% ($215.8 billion) expected to come from the Big Three. California’s Big Three taxes are the:

  1. Personal income tax — This is a tax on the income of California residents as well as the income of nonresidents derived from California sources. It is California’s largest source of revenue.
  2. Sales & use tax — This is a tax on the purchase of tangible goods in California (the sales tax) or on the use of tangible goods in California that were purchased elsewhere (the use tax). Services are excluded from the sales and use tax, as are other items exempted by law, including groceries and medications. The sales and use tax is California’s second-largest source of revenue.
  3. Corporation tax — This is a tax imposed on corporations that do business in or derive income from California, with the exception of insurance companies, which instead pay the insurance tax. The corporation tax is California’s third-largest source of revenue.

Other state revenue is estimated to make up more than one-quarter (27.3%) of total projected General Fund and special fund revenue in 2025-26. This other revenue comes from a broad range of sources, including taxes, fees, and fines.

The State Budget is a Local Budget

Dollars spent through the state budget go to individuals, communities, and institutions across California. Under the enacted 2025-26 state budget:

  • Four-fifths of total spending (80.6%) flows as “local assistance” to K-12 public schools, community colleges, families enrolled in the CalWORKs program, and other essential state services and systems that are operated locally.
  • Nearly one-fifth of total spending (17.9%) goes to 23 California State University campuses, 10 University of California campuses, over 30 state prisons, and other recipients of “state operations” dollars.
  • Less than 2% of total spending flows as “capital outlay” dollars, supporting infrastructure projects across California. (Local assistance and state operations dollars also fund infrastructure.)

State Funds Primarily Support Health and Human Services or Education

Under the enacted 2025-26 state budget:

  • Almost 3 in 4 General Fund and special fund dollars support three categories of spending: health and human services (42%), K-12 education (25.1%), and higher education (7.2%).
  • More than 5% of General Fund and special fund dollars go to corrections, primarily the state prison system.
  • The balance of these dollars supports other essential services (such as transportation and environmental protection) and institutions (such as the state’s court system).

Federal Funds Primarily Support Health and Human Services

Under the enacted 2025-26 state budget:

  • Nearly four-fifths of federal dollars (78.3%) support health and human services programs.
  • The balance of federal dollars supports other essential services, including labor and workforce development, K-12 education, higher education, and transportation.

The State Budget is Part of a Package of Bills

The state budget never stands alone. Instead, it moves as part of a package of legislation that typically includes two to three dozen bills, and sometimes many more — particularly in years when there is a budget shortfall and state leaders need to make multiple changes to balance the budget. In 2025, Governor Newsom signed nearly 50 budget-related bills.

The budget package consists of two types of budget bills along with trailer bills and other budget-related legislation.

  1. Budget Act — The state budget is formally known as the Budget Act. The Budget Act is the initial budget bill passed by the Legislature and signed into law by the governor. In general, budget bills:
    • Provide authority to spend money (“appropriations”) across an array of public services and systems for a single year.
    • Move through the Legislature’s budget committees on their own timeline.
  2. Budget Bill Juniors — This is the informal term for any budget bill that amends the Budget Act, such as by increasing or reducing authorized expenditures. There is no limit on the number of Budget Bill Juniors that may be included in a budget package. This means state leaders can revise the Budget Act as many times as they wish by passing additional budget bills.
  3. Trailer bills — The state budget package also includes trailer bills. Trailer bills generally make changes to state law related to the Budget Act and, like budget bills, move through the Legislature’s budget committees. In addition, trailer bills:
    • Must contain at least one appropriation and be listed in the Budget Act — a requirement that directly links trailer bills to the state budget.
    • Are organized by major policy areas in the budget. For example, health-related changes would be included in a “health” trailer bill, housing-related changes would be included in a “housing” trailer bill, etc.
  4. Other budget-related bills — Other bills may be included in the budget package from time to time. These are bills that move independently of the Budget Act (and therefore are not trailer bills) but are still considered part of the state budget framework. This could include, for example, legislation to increase taxes or to place constitutional amendments before the voters as well as bills passed in a special session of the Legislature. This other budget-related legislation can move either through the Legislature’s policy committees or through budget committees.

Terms & Definitions


The Constitutional Framework

The State Constitution Establishes the Rules of the Budget Process

The governor and legislators craft the state’s annual spending plan according to rules outlined in the state Constitution.

California voters periodically revise these rules by approving constitutional amendments that appear on the statewide ballot.

  • Proposals to amend the state Constitution can be placed on the ballot through a citizens’ initiative or by the Legislature.
  • A constitutional amendment takes effect if approved by a simple majority of voters.

Three Key Budget Deadlines

Two in the State Constitution (January 10 and June 15), One in State Law (May 14)



The governor must propose a budget for the upcoming fiscal year on or before January 10. The budget must be balanced: Estimated revenues (as determined by the governor) must meet or exceed the governor’s proposed spending.


The governor must release the May Revision on or before May 14.


The Legislature must pass a budget bill for the upcoming fiscal year by midnight on June 15. The budget bill must be balanced: Estimated General Fund revenues (as set forth in the budget bill passed by the Legislature) must meet or exceed General Fund spending.

Proposition 25: Simple Majority Vote for Budget Bills and Trailer Bills

The budget package generally may be passed by a simple majority vote of each house of the Legislature.

  • Prop. 25 of 2010 allows lawmakers to pass, by a simple majority vote, budget bills as well as trailer bills that may take effect as soon as the governor signs them.
  • Under the rules of Prop. 25, trailer bills must (1) be listed in the Budget Act and (2) contain an appropriation of any amount.
  • Even with Prop. 25, some types of trailer bills that could be included in a budget package will require a supermajority — generally two-thirds — vote of each house. This includes, for example, bills that would raise taxes or amend a state law that was approved by voters via a ballot initiative. However, most trailer bills in the budget package will need only a simple majority vote to pass.

Proposition 25: Penalties for a Late Budget

Lawmakers face penalties if they fail to pass the budget bill on or before June 15.

  • Prop. 25 requires lawmakers to permanently forfeit both their pay and their reimbursement for travel and living expenses for each day after June 15 that the budget bill is not passed and sent to the governor.
  • These penalties do not apply to budget-related bills, which do not have to be passed on or before June 15.

Proposition 26: Supermajority Vote for Tax Increases

Any tax increase requires a two-thirds vote of each house of the Legislature.

  • Under the state Constitution, “any change in state statute which results in any taxpayer paying a higher tax” requires a two-thirds vote of each house.
  • This standard was imposed by Prop. 26 of 2010. This measure expanded the definition of a tax increase and thus the scope of the two-thirds vote requirement, which was originally imposed by Prop. 13 of 1978.
  • Prior to Prop. 26, only bills changing state taxes “for the purpose of increasing revenues” required a two-thirds vote. Bills that increased some taxes but reduced others by an equal or larger amount could be passed by a simple majority vote of each house.

Proposition 26: Supermajority Vote for Tax Increases

Prop. 26 of 2010 also expanded the definition of a tax to include some fees.

  • Prior to Prop. 26, lawmakers could create or increase fees by a simple majority vote. These majority-vote fees included regulatory fees intended to address health, environmental, or other problems caused by various products, such as alcohol, oil, or hazardous materials.
  • Prop. 26 reclassified regulatory and certain other fees as taxes. As a result, a two-thirds vote of each house of the Legislature is now required for many charges that previously were considered fees and could be passed by a simple majority vote.

Additional Supermajority Vote Requirements

The state Constitution requires a two-thirds vote of each house of the Legislature in order to:

  • Appropriate money from the General Fund, except for appropriations that are for public schools or that are included in budget bills or in trailer bills.
  • Pass bills that take effect immediately (urgency statutes), except for budget bills and trailer bills.
  • Place constitutional amendments or general obligation bond measures before the voters.
  • Override the governor’s veto of a bill or an item of appropriation.

Proposition 54: A Bill Must Be Published for At Least 72 Hours Before the Legislature Can Act on It

Proposition 54 of 2016 requires bills to be distributed to legislators and published on the Internet, in their final form, at least 72 hours before being passed by the Legislature.

This rule applies to all bills, including the budget bill and other legislation included in the budget package.

This mandatory review period can be waived for a bill if:

  • The governor declares an emergency in response to a disaster or extreme peril, and
  • Two-thirds of legislators in the house considering the bill vote to waive the review period.

Proposition 98: A Funding Guarantee for K-12 Schools and Community Colleges

Prop. 98 of 1988 guarantees a minimum annual level of funding for K-14 education.

  • The amount of the guarantee is calculated each year based on one of three tests that apply under varying fiscal and economic conditions. Two of these tests include adjustments for changes in statewide K-12 attendance. Prop. 98 funding comes from the state General Fund and local property tax revenues.
  • The Legislature can suspend the guarantee for a single year by a two-thirds vote of each house and provide less funding. Following a suspension, the state must increase Prop. 98 funding over time to the level that it would have reached absent the suspension.
  • While the Legislature can provide more funding than Prop. 98 requires, the guarantee has generally served as a maximum funding level.

Proposition 2: Saving for a Rainy Day, Paying Down Debt

Prop. 2 of 2014 revised the rules that apply to the Budget Stabilization Account (BSA) — the state’s constitutional rainy day fund — and also established a new requirement to pay down state budgetary debt.

  • The state is required to set aside 1.5% of General Fund revenues each year, plus additional dollars in years when tax revenues from capital gains are particularly strong.
  • Until 2029-30, half of the revenues go into the BSA and the other half must be used to pay down state budgetary debt, which includes unfunded pension liabilities. Starting in 2030-31, the entire annual transfer goes into the BSA.
  • State policymakers may suspend or reduce the BSA deposit and withdraw funds from the reserve, but only under limited circumstances that qualify as a “budget emergency.”

Proposition 2: A Budget Reserve for K-12 Education

Prop. 2 of 2014 also created a state budget reserve for K-12 schools and community colleges called the Public School System Stabilization Account (PSSSA).

  • Deposits come from state capital gains tax revenues in years when those revenues are particularly strong.
  • However, various conditions must be met before these dollars could be transferred to the PSSSA. For example, transfers may occur only in so-called “Test 1” years under Prop. 98, which have been relatively rare.

Proposition 55: Potential New Funding for Medi-Cal From a Tax on the Wealthiest Californians

Prop. 55 of 2016 extends, through 2030, personal income tax rate increases on very high-income Californians and establishes a formula to boost funding for Medi-Cal, which provides health care services to Californians with low incomes.

  • Starting in 2018-19, General Fund revenues — including those raised by Prop. 55 — must first be used to fund (1) the annual Prop. 98 guarantee for K-12 schools and community colleges and (2) the cost of other services that were authorized as of January 1, 2016, as adjusted for population changes, federal mandates, and other factors.
  • If any Prop. 55 revenues remain after meeting these required expenditures, MediCal would receive 50% of this excess, up to a maximum of $2 billion in any fiscal year.
  • Prop. 55 has not yet resulted in any additional funding for Medi-Cal.

Proposition 4: State Appropriations Limit (SAL) — A Cap on Spending

Appropriations are subject to a limit established by Prop. 4 of 1979, as modified by later initiatives. This spending cap is known as the Gann Limit.

  • The SAL limits the amount of state tax proceeds that can be appropriated each year. This limit is adjusted annually for changes in population and per capita personal income.
  • Some appropriations from tax proceeds do not count toward the limit, including debt service and spending that is needed to comply with court or federal mandates.
  • Revenues that exceed the SAL over a two-year period are divided equally between Prop. 98 spending and taxpayer rebates. The state last exceeded the SAL in 2020-21 (but did not do so in the prior year).

State Mandates: Pay for Them or Suspend Them

The state must pay for or suspend mandates that it imposes on local governments.

  • Prop. 4 of 1979 requires the state to reimburse local governments for costs related to a new program or a higher level of service that is mandated by the state.
  • Prop. 1A of 2004 expanded the definition of a mandate to include the transfer of
    financial responsibility from the state to local governments.
  • Prop. 1A also requires the state to suspend a mandate in any year in which local
    governments’ costs are not fully reimbursed.

What Do the Governor and the Legislature Do?

The Governor

Approves, modifies, or rejects spending proposals prepared by state departments and agencies through an internal process coordinated by the Department of Finance.

Proposes a spending plan for the state each January, introduced as the budget bill in the Legislature.

Updates and revises the proposed budget each May (the “May Revision”).

Signs or vetoes the bills included in the budget package.

Can veto all or part of individual appropriations (line items), but cannot increase any appropriations above the level approved by the Legislature.

The Legislature

Approves, modifies, or rejects the governor’s proposals.

Can add new spending or make other changes that substantially revise the governor’s proposals.

Needs a simple majority vote of each house to pass budget bills and most trailer bills.

Needs a two-thirds vote to pass certain other bills that may be part of the budget package, such as bills that increase taxes or propose constitutional amendments.

Needs a two-thirds vote of each house to override the governor’s veto of a bill or an appropriation.


What Happens When?

The State Budget Timeline

The state budget process is cyclical. Decisions are made throughout the year.


State Budget Resources

  • Department of Finance: The governor’s budget proposals and related documents.
  • Legislative Analyst’s Office: Budget and policy analyses, budget recommendations, and historical budget data.
  • Legislative Counsel: Bills and bill analyses, a free bill-tracking service, the state codes, and the state Constitution.
  • State Assembly and Senate: Committee agendas and other publications, floor session and committee schedules, the annual legislative calendar, and live and archived video streaming of legislative proceedings.

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Read this publication in English.

El proceso legislativo: Principios básicos

El proceso legislativo, también conocido como el proceso de proyectos de ley, proporciona una vía clave para que los californianos que desean cambiar la ley estatal puedan hacerlo a través de la legislatura del estado.

Cada año, los miembros de la asamblea legislativa y el senado presentan conjuntamente miles de proyectos de ley que avanzan a través del proceso legislativo parcial o totalmente. Estos proyectos proponen cambios a uno o más de los casi 30 códigos estatales de California y estos cambios entran en vigencia solo si el proyecto de ley es aprobado por ambas cámaras y firmado por el gobernador.

Las propuestas de modificar la Constitución del estado también pasan por el proceso legislativo. Aunque las modificaciones constitucionales de la asamblea legislativa y el senado no requieren la firma del gobernador, sí necesitan la aprobación de los votantes para poder entrar en vigencia.

El proceso legislativo funciona de acuerdo a normas delineadas en la Constitución del estado, las leyes estatales y los acuerdos de ambas cámaras (“normas conjuntas”) adoptados por la asamblea legislativa y el senado al inicio de cada sesión legislativa de dos años.

Las normas escritas y no escritas exclusivas de cada cámara, así como de diversos comités dentro de cada cámara y que cambian de un año a otro, también moldean el proceso legislativo y las participaciones de participación del público.

Es importante resaltar que el proceso del presupuesto estatal ofrece una vía separada para cambiar la ley estatal a través de la legislatura (usando proyectos de ley “tráiler”). Comparado con el proceso legislativo, el proceso de presupuesto estatal tiene normas, plazos y, en algunos casos, encargados de tomar decisiones distintos. Quienes abogan por el cambio legislativo usan tanto el proceso de presupuesto estatal como el legislativo para impulsar sus metas políticas. Sin embargo, el resto de esta guía se concentra exclusivamente en el proceso legislativo.

Oportunidades para la participación del público en el proceso legislativo

El público tiene muchas oportunidades de interactuar con los legisladores estatales durante el proceso legislativo. Por ejemplo, las personas pueden:

  • Sugerir ideas de proyectos de ley a los miembros de la legislatura.
  • Desarrollar / renovar relaciones con los legisladores y su personal para desarrollar familiaridad y confianza, elementos cruciales para obtener autores de proyectos de ley e impulsar la legislación.
  • Conocer a los legisladores y a su personal, así como miembros del gobierno del gobernador para defender legislación y abordar cualquier inquietud.
  • Escribir cartas a los comités y a legisladores individuales para compartir opiniones sobre los proyectos de ley que se han presentado.
  • Asistir a audiencias de comités legislativos para compartir opiniones sobre los proyectos de ley durante los períodos de comentario público.
  • Instar al gobernador a que firme o vete una ley.

Comités de política

Los miembros de comités de políticas de la asamblea de legisladores y el senado consideran las consecuencias políticas de un proyecto de ley. El liderazgo de cada cámara asigna los proyectos de ley a comités de política según el tema de los proyectos y otros factores. Los proyectos de ley pueden ser revisados por un solo comité de política en cada cámara o por varios comités de política.

El senado estatal tiene más de 20 comités de política actuales, y la asamblea tiene más de 30. El Comité de Educación de la asamblea legislativa (Assembly Education Committee) y el Comité de Ingresos e Impuestos del senado son algunos ejemplos. Los proyectos de ley que se aprueban en esta etapa, potencialmente con modificaciones, se transfieren al comité de apropiaciones para revisarse en más profundidad.

Los comités de asignaciones y el “archivo de asuntos pendientes”

Los comités de asignaciones calculan el costo de los proyectos de ley. Si el costo alcanza o supera ciertos umbrales, en general el proyecto se coloca en el archivo de asuntos pendientes del comité, que esencialmente es una “sala de espera” para los proyectos que se examinan en mayor profundidad. Los umbrales de costo son relativamente bajos en ambas cámaras. En el senado, el umbral varía entre $50,000 y $150,000, depende del fondo estatal del que se tomará el dinero. El umbral en la asamblea legislativa es $150,000, sin importar cuál sea el fondo.

Dos veces por año, los comités de apropiaciones organizan audiencias donde anuncian rápidamente el destino de cientos de proyectos de ley que se encuentran en su archivo de asuntos pendientes. Los proyectos que se sacan del archivo de asuntos pendientes mediante un voto, frecuentemente con enmiendas, pasan a la asamblea legislativa o el senado. Los proyectos de ley que continúan “en suspenso” en el comité de apropiaciones quedan inactivas por el resto del año.

Los proyectos de ley pueden quedar en suspenso por una variedad de razones, inclusive preocupaciones por su costo. Sin embargo, típicamente los directores de los comités no explican públicamente por qué algunos proyectos pasan a la asamblea legislativa o el senado y otros se mantienen en suspenso.

Votos formales de toda la legislatura: Mayoría simple o súper mayoría

Una vez que un proyecto de ley es aprobado por el comité final en su “cámara de origen”, se programa para debatirse y votar en el pleno de la cámara. La mayoría de los proyectos de ley solo necesitan una mayoría simple para ser aprobados: 41 votos en la asamblea legislativa de 80 miembros y 21 votos en el senado de 40 miembros.

Sin embargo, se requieren dos tercios (una súper mayoría) de los votos en cada cámara si el proyecto de ley:

  • Genera un impuesto nuevo o aumenta un impuesto existente.
  • Contiene una cláusula de “urgencia” que le permite entrar en vigencia de inmediato en lugar de esperar hasta el 1 de enero (la fecha típica).
  • Propone enmendar la Constitución del estado, un cambio que en última instancia debe ser aprobado por una mayoría de los votantes en una elección estatal.

Enjuagar y repetir: El proceso se traslada al senado estatal

Si un proyecto de ley es aprobado en la primera cámara, pasa a la cámara alta, donde se repite el proceso: comités de política, comité de apropiaciones, voto de la cámara en pleno. Típicamente los proyectos de ley son modificados una vez más en esta etapa. Si se aprueban con enmiendas, el proyecto vuelve a la cámara baja para una votación de “conformidad”. Los proyectos de ley aprobados con un voto de conformidad pasan al gobernador para su consideración final.

Aprobación o veto: Los proyectos de ley aprobados se envían al gobernador.

Una vez que un proyecto de ley recibe la aprobación legislativa final, se le envía al gobernador, quien puede:

  • Firmar el proyecto de ley para que se convierta en ley.
  • Permitir que el proyecto de ley se convierta en ley sin una firma.
  • Vetar, rechazar, el proyecto de ley. La legislatura puede anular un veto con dos tercios de los votos en cada cámara. Sin embargo, la anulación de vetos es extremadamente infrecuente.

Típicamente, los proyectos de ley aprobados por mayoría simple entran en vigencia el 1 de enero del año calendario siguiente. Los estatutos urgentes, aumentos de impuestos y otros proyectos de ley específicos entran en vigencia en cuanto se convierten en ley.

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key takeaway

Federal budget cuts to essential services threaten to worsen long-standing inequities for Latinx Californians and immigrants, underscoring the urgent need for state leaders to protect communities through stronger investments and fairer tax policies.

Access to affordable health care, child care, housing, and food is necessary for all Californians to thrive. However, congressional members — with the support of all California Republican representatives — and the Trump administration have passed a federal budget that includes deep and harmful cuts to programs that provide health coverage, nutrition assistance, and other essential services. The significant cuts represent one of the largest transfers of wealth in the history of the United States, which helps fund huge tax giveaways for the wealthy and provide an unprecedented increase in funding for immigration enforcement.

These cuts are harmful for millions of Californians with low incomes who are already struggling to secure basic needs. Still, these proposals are especially devastating for Latinx Californians, who are the largest racial and ethnic group in the state, yet continuously face significant disparities in areas such as health care access, earnings, rent burden, and access to child care due to historic ongoing racism and discrimination.

About This Report

This report was co-authored by Edgar Ortiz, Supervisory Policy Manager, Economic Justice, at the California Immigrant Policy Center.

The California Immigrant Policy Center (CIPC) is a constituent-based statewide immigrant rights organization with offices in Los Angeles, Sacramento, and Fresno. It is a leading immigrant rights institution in the state. CIPC advocates for policies that uphold the humanity of immigrants and refugees in California by transforming systems to achieve racial, social, and economic justice.

Latinx Californians Are Essential to California

It would not be an exaggeration to say that there is no California without Latinx Californians, who make up the largest share — 40% — of racial and ethnic groups in California and also comprise more than half of young Californians. As the population of Latinx Californians increases, so does their visibility and representation across all aspects of everyday life. Though they work across all industries, Latinx Californians are disproportionately concentrated in industries that are notorious for low wages, limited workplace protections, lack of employer-provided benefits such as health insurance, and safety risks, including construction, agriculture, retail trade, and other services (e.g., janitorial services). Latinx workers in these industries experience low pay and significant power imbalances that contribute to a high need for programs to support basic needs — many that have been significantly cut.

Key Terms

What Are the Major Cuts That Will Impact Latinx Californians?

Latinx Californians have propelled California into being the fourth-largest economy in the world, yet many struggle to afford basic needs. The recently passed federal budget includes trillions in cuts to vital programs that support the health and well-being of millions of Latinx Californians. Programs like health care and food assistance help close decades of inequities that Latinx Californians have faced, but they are now facing severe funding cuts. At the same time, increased immigration enforcement actions that often target Latinx communities instill fear and threaten their safety and livelihoods.

Cuts to Medi-Cal and Other Health Care Programs Will Worsen Existing Disparities for Latinx Californians

Over 1 in 3 Latinx Californians (33.9%) are covered by Medi-Cal — California’s Medicaid program — and this number is even higher for Latinas (42.1%). That means millions of Latinx people in the state rely on Medi-Cal for their health care. However, the federal budget act includes over $1 trillion in cuts to Medicaid over the next decade, which will result in California losing between $112 and $187 billion in health care funding.

At the state level, policymakers made significant cuts to Medi-Cal that reversed decades of progress toward affordable and accessible health care for all Californians. This includes freezing Medi-Cal enrollment for undocumented Californians, who are majority Latinx, re-instituting an asset limit test that will lead to substantial coverage losses, and implementing a monthly premium for undocumented Californians and certain other groups of immigrants with low incomes who qualify for Medi-Cal. This unprecedented Medi-Cal premium is a cost that will not apply to any other Medi-Cal members, meaning certain immigrants will have to pay to access health care that is free for other Medi-Cal recipients.

  • Federal actions may result in 1 million Latinx Californians losing their health insurance. These cuts, along with new burdensome red tape, will harm the health and well-being of millions of Californians, forcing them to make impossible choices between their health care and economic security.
  • Harmful provisions in the state budget targeting immigrants will only increase health inequities. Health care coverage is already an area where Latinx Californians face large disparities. Approximately 14% of Latinas and 19% of Latinos do not have health insurance, which are both the highest rates in the state for their respective gender.

Latinx Californians’ Ability to Afford Food and Other Necessities is Under Threat

Access to affordable food is critical for living healthy lives. Over 1 in 4, or 27% of, Latinx Californians receive food assistance through CalFresh, and almost 1 in 3, or 30%, of Latinas receive this assistance. Additionally, over half — or 55% — of Latinas participate in WIC, which helps ensure young children are healthy. Recent federal budget cuts slashed billions of dollars in funding for SNAP, resulting in CalFresh losing between $1.7 billion and $3.7 billion annually in federal funding, and will impose burdensome requirements on recipients of food assistance. Funding for WIC will be decided during the federal appropriations process and it is not yet certain whether the program will be funded at current levels.

  • New time limit expansions, cost-shifts to the state, cuts in benefit levels, and restrictions on some immigrants’ eligibility for CalFresh will all directly harm the ability of many Latinx Californians to feed themselves and their families. At least 2 in 5 Latinas and Latinos (42% and 41% respectively) are currently not able to afford enough food, and that is with CalFresh food assistance programs at their previous funding levels. With the state set to lose out on billions of dollars in funding for food assistance programs, Latinx Californians will face even steeper disparities in their ability to afford food for themselves and their families.
  • Only 72% of Latinas receive adequate prenatal care, so the federal appropriations process will be critical in ensuring WIC’s funding is preserved. Maintaining funding levels for WIC is crucial in helping to combat the disparities Latinas face in accessing adequate prenatal care.
Portrait of child girl eating on snack time at school

H.R. 1 and the Federal Budget

H.R. 1, the harmful Republican mega bill passed in July 2025, will deeply harm Californians by cutting funding for essential programs like health care, food assistance, and education.

See how California leaders can respond and protect vital supports.

Access to Affordable Child Care is Critical For Latinx Families

Child care is critical for both parents and children in California so that children can grow and learn and parents can stay employed or continue their education to support themselves and their families. However, the high cost of this care threatens to push families, especially those headed by Latinas, deeper into poverty. A Latina single mom in California with an infant and school-age child spends over 70% of her income on child care without access to a state-subsidized program or Head Start — more than any other racial or ethnic group. A recent notice from the Department of Health and Human Services restricts certain immigrants’ eligibility to access Head Start.

  • Restricting access to Head Start will take away an effective and affordable child care program for many Latinx Californians. Latinx children are disproportionately eligible for subsidized child care; therefore, when the supply of affordable child care is reduced (which will happen with restrictions on who is eligible for Head Start), Latinx families are more likely to be burdened. The additional restrictions may also lead to a chilling effect, which can discourage qualified immigrants from enrolling due to distrust in government agencies that may not be able to protect their personal information. This could make it even harder for some Latinx Californians to afford sending their children to child care.

The federal government plays a major role in shaping California’s budget, economy, and the well-being of its people.

A Key Federal Program To Help Latinx Californians Afford College is Under Threat

All people in California — including Latinx Californians — should be able to afford higher public education and access career pathways so they can achieve economic security. Unfortunately, this is not the reality for the large majority of Latinx Californians. Only 17% of Latinas, and just 14% of Latinos, have at least a Bachelor’s degree, which are the lowest percentages in the state, respectively. Research in 2021 found that despite comprising nearly 55% of students in K-12 education, Latinx students constituted only 43% of public higher education students. In addition, Latinx students graduate on-time at disproportionately lower levels across different institutions, ranging from 18% to 36% in California State Universities (CSU) and 51% to 53% in University of California (UC) institutions, which results in higher expenses due to the longer amount of time that students have to spend in order to graduate.

For Latinx Californians who are able to attend college, Pell Grants play a crucial role in helping them attend college. These grants supported 40% of Latinx Californians, or over 400,000 students, in attending college across the University of California, California State University, and California Community College systems. However, President Trump has proposed significant cuts to higher education funding, which include reducing the maximum federal Pell Grant award, and his administration is actively dismantling the Department of Education.

  • Threats to higher education and Pell Grants could make it impossible for hundreds of thousands of Latinx Californians to afford going to college. Pell Grants provide an average financial aid award of about $4,500 per year, which means that with in-state tuition at a California State University institution currently at $6,084 per year, Pell Grants cover almost three-quarters of the cost of tuition. These grants are awarded mainly to families with an annual income of less than $20,000, meaning they provide significant aid in helping students attend college. With higher education already being unaffordable for the vast majority of Latinx Californians, decreases in the financial aid that is available threatens the ability of Latinx Californians to access higher education.

Latinas Face Severe Housing Cost Burdens

Everyone needs an affordable and stable place to call home. While housing hardship is felt by renters across all races and ethnicities in California, Black and Latinx renters are especially likely to struggle to afford to pay rent. More than half (54%) of Latinas are rent burdened, and 27% are severely rent burdened. Federal housing programs support 920,437 people across the state, but are still unable to meet the growing demand from Californians at risk of losing their homes.

Additional federal threats to affordable housing and homelessness programs loom as the appropriations process gets underway. Proposed decreases to Housing and Urban Development funding could mean cuts to already underfunded programs for rental assistance, affordable housing, and community development.

  • Any cuts to federal housing programs would further jeopardize the stability of housing for Latinas, who already face severe housing insecurity. Racial inequities in housing compound with other racial inequities Latinx Californians face in the state, which have resulted in rent comprising over 50% of the median annual earnings of Latinas in the state. Inequities Latinx renters face in the state harm their ability to maintain health, work, and dignified living conditions.

Latinx Californians Face Threats To Their Safety With Increased Immigration Enforcement

At the same time that all of these critical programs that help Latinx Californians survive are being cut, Latinx communities are coming under assault from unprecedented increases in immigration detention and enforcement. The federal budget act includes over $170 billion in unrestricted funding for immigration enforcement, with detrimental effects on families, communities, and the state’s entire economy. This reign of terror has already resulted in workforce reductions and has targeted Latinx immigrants and citizens alike.

  • Restrictive and harsh immigration policies negatively impact how immigrants interact with public services and institutions through a “chilling effect,” result in negative health and financial outcomes, and harm key industries like housing, farming and food production, and caregiving
  • Racial profiling tactics are increasingly putting Latinx Californians in the crosshairs as they are targeted with more frequent and intense immigration enforcement operations, violating their human and civil rights. 
  • This unprecedented increase in enforcement also negatively impacts US-born workers: immigrants generate jobs for US-born workers directly as entrepreneurs and indirectly, as research has shown that for every 13 foreign-born workers who leave the labor force because of direct removals and the chilling effect of deportations, 10 US-born workers lose their jobs.

California’s state leaders cannot stand by as the pain of these harmful federal policy choices radiates out across the state. State policymakers should commit to doing all they can to protect vulnerable Californians and ensure access to basic supports like health care and food assistance. This includes adopting common-sense reforms to the tax code, particularly corporate taxes, to raise the revenue needed to protect all Californians and vulnerable communities from deepening hardship.

Policy Recommendations


Supported by the California Health Care Foundation (CHCF), which works to ensure that people have access to the care they need, when they need it, at a price they can afford. Visit chcf.org to learn more.

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Overview of This Report

Every year, California’s 58 counties — under state oversight — deliver essential public services that support Californians’ well-being, keep communities healthy and safe, and protect vulnerable populations, including children, older adults, and people with disabilities. These programs are funded with a broad range of revenues, including federal dollars, local county taxes, and funding provided by the state.

Counties’ responsibility for these services grew substantially beginning in the 1990s. The state restructured — or “realigned” — the state-county relationship in 1991 and again in 2011 by increasing counties’ fiscal and programmatic obligations for a number of services, while also providing counties with dedicated, ongoing revenues to help support their new costs.

These state-to-county “realignments” encompass vital programs that:

  • aim to protect vulnerable children and adults,
  • address health inequities,
  • support people facing mental health and/or substance use challenges,
  • keep people from cycling through carceral systems, and
  • improve Californians’ quality of life, particularly residents with low incomes.

Yet, while counties receive billions of dollars each year to deliver these critical public services, the concept of realignment is not well understood. Moreover, the framework and funding structures that underpin realignment are complex and can be challenging to grasp.

This report cuts through the complexity by explaining what realignment is, how it is structured, and key ways in which it has changed over time. This report does not describe every detail of these complex funding structures. It also does not evaluate realignment or assess how realigned services have been implemented. Instead, it provides a high-level overview that explains the basics, outlines the 1991 and 2011 realignment frameworks, and describes how realignment has evolved in recent decades.

Part 1: Realignment — The Basics

What Is Realignment?

California’s state government and the state’s 58 counties have long shared responsibility for financing and delivering a broad array of services, including public health, mental health care, and support for families with children with low incomes.

However, state and county roles are not static. Instead, they vary across programs and have shifted over time as state policymakers have redefined the state-county relationship. These periodic shifts in responsibility between the state and counties for the financing and implementation of public services are known as “realignment.”

Types of Realignment

The transfer of fiscal and programmatic responsibility for public services between the state and counties typically happens in one of two ways:

Realignment can modify how the state and counties share the cost of public services.

  • Historically, the state and counties have shared the cost of many public programs operated by counties. Often, these services are also supported with federal funding, in which case the state and counties split the nonfederal share of costs (although not usually 50/50).
  • Realignment can modify these state/county “cost-sharing ratios” so that one level of government pays more of the cost of a service and the other pays less. For example, counties’ share of costs for a program could be increased from 30% to 60%, with the state’s share reduced from 70% to 40%.

Realignment can transfer the full cost of a program to one level of government or the other.

  • Historically, the most common transfer scenario has been for state policymakers to eliminate General Fund support for a program that counties already operate and shift 100% of the cost of the program to counties.
  • The state may also require counties to take on new responsibility for a program or function that is operated at the state level, shifting 100% of the cost from the state General Fund to counties.
  • In either case, instead of receiving state General Fund dollars, counties receive dedicated realignment revenues to support their new or increased costs. (See the Funding to Support Realigned Services section below.)

California’s Two Sweeping Realignments: 1991 and 2011

California has realigned multiple programs in recent decades, including transferring youth justice responsibilities entirely to counties and realigning responsibility for trial courts from counties to the state.

However, the most far-reaching realignments were adopted in 1991 and 2011 when counties took on additional responsibility for a broad range of services. These realignments — 20 years apart — expanded counties’ fiscal and programmatic responsibilities in several policy areas.

The 1991 and 2011 realignments encompass the following policy areas:

See Part 2 and Part 3 for key facts about the 1991 and 2011 realignments, respectively, and the Appendix for a description of the programs included in each realignment.

Rationale for Realignment

The goals of realignment typically fall into three categories:

Realignment can help to address state budget deficits.

  • For example, Governor Pete Wilson and Governor Jerry Brown proposed major state-to-county realignments — in 1991 and 2011, respectively — in response to multibillion dollar state budget deficits.
  • Realigning responsibilities to the counties helped to address these shortfalls by shifting costs from the General Fund to the newly created realignment revenues that flowed directly to counties.

Realignment can help to improve funding stability.

  • Providing dedicated revenues to support realigned programs helps to insulate these programs from reductions when the state faces a budget shortfall.
  • For example, the health and mental health services included in the 1991 realignment were previously funded with state General Fund dollars. Due to state budget shortfalls, these programs were cut in previous budgets, according to the Department of Finance. Moreover, these health and mental health services “would have been subject to additional major reductions” in 1991 to help close the budget deficit if state policymakers had not adopted realignment that year.

Realignment can — but does not always — promote greater efficiency and effectiveness in service delivery.

  • A primary rationale for the 2011 realignment was that transferring funding and responsibilities to local governments would “allow governments at all levels to focus on becoming more efficient and effective,” helping to ensure that services are “delivered to the public for less money.” Similar claims were made for the 1991 realignment.
  • Two evaluations of the 1991 realignment — in 2001 and 2018 — found some evidence of progress in terms of efficiency and effectiveness. However, these evaluations also found that counties’ flexibility over these programs and their ability to control costs had diminished substantially since 1991 due to state law changes and other factors.

Funding to Support Realigned Services

When state policymakers shift responsibilities to counties, they provide dedicated annual funding to help counties pay for their additional costs. Annual funding to support counties’ 1991 and 2011 realignment responsibilities comes from two sources — the sales tax and the Vehicle License Fee (VLF). Specifically:

  • To fund the 1991 realignment, state policymakers increased the state sales tax rate by one-half cent and raised the state’s VLF. Counties continue to receive these dedicated funds each year to support the programs that were realigned to them in 1991.
  • To fund the 2011 realignment, state policymakers redirected a portion of the state’s existing sales tax and VLF revenues to counties, without raising taxes. In other words, these dollars were carved out of existing state revenue streams. Counties continue to receive these dedicated funds each year to support the programs that were realigned to them in 2011.

What is the sales tax?

  • The sales tax — formally, the “sales and use tax” — is a tax on the purchase of tangible goods in California (the “sales tax”) or the use of tangible goods in California that were purchased elsewhere (the “use tax”).
  • Services are excluded from the sales and use tax, as are other items exempted by law, including groceries, menstrual hygiene products, and medications.
  • The sales and use tax is a regressive tax because households with lower incomes generally spend a larger share of their incomes on necessities than households with higher incomes, so a larger share of their income goes to sales taxes.

What is the vehicle license fee?

  • The VLF is an annual state fee that is based on the purchase price or value of a vehicle.
  • In 2011, state leaders shifted to counties part of the base 0.65% VLF rate in order to help fund counties’ increased responsibilities under the 2011 realignment.

The sales tax provides most of the revenue that counties receive to support their responsibilities under the 1991 and 2011 realignments. While sales tax revenues generally grow over time, they can decline from year to year, such as during recessions. When sales tax revenues fall, counties receive less realignment funding than they received the year before. When the economy improves, realignment revenues begin to grow again, providing counties with more resources to carry out their responsibilities.

However, under the 1991 realignment, the revenue shortfalls created during economic downturns are not filled. Even when revenues begin to grow again — providing additional funding for realigned programs — this growth comes on top of a permanently lowered funding base. This leaves counties with less revenue to carry out their 1991 realignment responsibilities over the long term. In contrast, under the 2011 realignment, counties’ funding base is restored when revenues begin to recover following a recession.

Moreover, counties are not reimbursed for their actual costs for realigned programs. Instead, counties receive dedicated revenue that is intended to cover their costs over time. However, this revenue often falls short of meeting the need for and growing cost of services, including counties’ health, public health, and behavioral health responsibilities under both realignments.

Realignment revenue comes closer to covering counties’ actual costs for social services programs, such as Child Welfare Services and In-Home Supportive Services. Under the 1991 realignment, these “entitlement” or “caseload” programs are first in line for sales tax revenue growth, with these growth revenues supporting counties’ rising costs for these services.

Part 2: Key Facts About the 1991 Realignment

What Did the 1991 Realignment Do?

In 1991, counties took on increased responsibility for a number of health, mental health, and social services programs. (See the Appendix for descriptions of these programs.) This “realignment” changed the state-county relationship in two major ways:

The state transferred responsibility for certain health and mental health programs to counties.

  • Specifically, counties took full responsibility for key health and mental health programs and also absorbed larger costs as the state eliminated General Fund support for those programs (although the state still maintained an oversight role).
  • The transferred services included community-based mental health, public health, and health care provided to uninsured adults with low incomes (commonly known as indigent health care).

The state generally increased counties’ share of the nonfederal costs for multiple social services programs as well as for one health program.

  • Prior to realignment, the state paid most or all of the nonfederal costs of major health and social services programs using General Fund dollars.
  • Realignment generally shifted more of these nonfederal costs to counties, which lowered the state’s share of costs, freeing up state General Fund dollars for other purposes.
    • Child Welfare Services and In-Home Supportive Services (IHSS) were among several social services programs for which counties’ share of cost increased under the 1991 realignment. (IHSS is generally considered a social services program but may be referred to as a health program.)
    • Counties also took on a larger share of the cost for California Children’s Services (CCS), a health program for children with certain diseases or health problems. (CCS was grouped with social services programs for the purpose of the 1991 realignment.)
  • In some cases, the state reduced counties’ share of cost — and increased the state’s share — to reflect counties’ relatively limited control over spending. The state began to pay a larger share of the cost for:
    • Cash assistance for low-income families with children, which was integrated into the new CalWORKs program in the mid-1990s.
    • County administration, which reflects counties’ operational costs for key social services programs.

How Is the 1991 Realignment Funded?

In order to support the programs included in the 1991 realignment, the state Legislature increased taxes and dedicated the revenues to the realigned programs. In 2025-26, these taxes are estimated to raise $7.7 billion. Specifically:

The Legislature raised the state sales tax rate by one-half cent and increased the state’s Vehicle License Fee (VLF), allocating all of the revenue to counties to support the realigned programs.

  • The half-cent sales tax rate provides almost two-thirds of annual 1991 realignment revenues, totaling an estimated $4.9 billion in 2025-26.
  • The VLF increase generates about one-third of annual realignment revenues, totaling an estimated $2.8 billion in 2025-26.

What is the sales tax?

  • The sales tax — formally, the “sales and use tax” — is a tax on the purchase of tangible goods in California (the “sales tax”) or the use of tangible goods in California that were purchased elsewhere (the “use tax”).
  • Services are excluded from the sales and use tax, as are other items exempted by law, including groceries, menstrual hygiene products, and medications.
  • The sales and use tax is a regressive tax because households with lower incomes generally spend a larger share of their incomes on necessities than households with higher incomes, so a larger share of their income goes to sales taxes.

What is the vehicle license fee?

  • The VLF is an annual state fee that is based on the purchase price or value of a vehicle.
  • In 2011, state leaders shifted to counties part of the base 0.65% VLF rate in order to help fund counties’ increased responsibilities under the 2011 realignment.

How Is the 1991 Realignment Structured?

The 1991 realignment revenues flow through a series of accounts that grew increasingly complex as the Legislature modified the original framework in the decades after the 1991 realignment took effect. (See Part 4 for details on this point.)

Revenue

Annual revenues generated by the higher sales tax rate and the VLF increase first flow into “base funding” accounts.

  • Realignment “base” revenue is allocated through the Sales Tax Account or the Vehicle License Fee Account, with these funds supporting the various services included in the 1991 realignment.
  • Realignment revenues sometimes fail to reach the base level of funding, such as when sales tax revenues decline during a recession. When this happens, counties’ funding base is reduced for a fiscal year to match the (lower) available revenues. In other words, counties receive less realignment funding than they received the year before.
  • Under this scenario, funding for the realigned programs increases only when realignment revenues grow again in future years. However, counties’ realignment base is permanently lowered — that is, the revenue that counties lose during tough budget years when revenues fall short is not made up in future years.

What is realignment “Base” revenue?

  • “Base” revenue for a fiscal year = the amount of realignment revenue allocated to counties in the prior fiscal year. In other words, the total amount of realignment revenue that counties receive in one year becomes the base level of funding for the next fiscal year.

If available, annual revenues generated by the higher sales tax rate and the VLF increase next flow into “growth funding” accounts.

  • Growth revenue — if available — is allocated through the Sales Tax Growth Account or the Vehicle License Fee Growth Account, with these funds supporting 1991 realignment services based on a complex set of funding priorities.

what is realignment “growth” revenue?

  • “Growth” revenue = the amount of realignment revenue left over (if any) after the base level of revenue for a fiscal year has been reached.
  • In other words, sales tax and VLF revenue that exceeds the base level of funding for a fiscal year flows to counties on top of their base allocations.

Allocations: Big Picture

Originally, revenue raised by the 1991 realignment solely supported the realigned health, mental health, and social services programs. However, in the early 2010s, state leaders redirected a portion of 1991 realignment revenue to offset some state costs for CalWORKs. To implement these shifts, state leaders added three CalWORKs-focused accounts to the 1991 realignment framework. (See Part 4 for details.)

With the addition of these new CalWORKs accounts, 1991 realignment revenue — which is estimated to total $7.7 billion in 2025-26 — is divided among four spending categories:

  • CalWORKs,
  • Social Services,
  • Health, and
  • Mental Health.

CalWORKs Allocation

Nearly 40% of realignment funding — an estimated $3.0 billion in 2025-26 — is used to achieve state savings by offsetting the state’s cost for CalWORKs.

  • These funds flow into three accounts created in the early 2010s: the CalWORKs MOE [Maintenance of Effort] Subaccount, the Family Support Subaccount, and the Child Poverty and Family Supplemental Support Subaccount. (See Part 4 for details.)
  • Using 1991 realignment dollars to offset a portion of the state’s General Fund cost for CalWORKs frees up state dollars for other purposes and reduces pressure on the state budget.

Social Services Allocation

More than one-third of realignment funding — an estimated $2.9 billion in 2025-26 — supports multiple social services programs as well as one health program.

  • These funds flow into the Social Services Subaccount, supporting programs like Child Welfare Services, Foster Care, and In-Home Supportive Services. (IHSS is generally considered a social services program but may be referred to as a health program.)
  • These revenues also support California Children’s Services (CCS), which assists children with certain diseases or health problems and is the only health program included in the Social Services Subaccount.
  • All of the programs in the Social Services Subaccount are known as “caseload” programs in the 1991 realignment framework.

Health Allocation

About 16% of realignment funding — an estimated $1.2 billion in 2025-26 — supports counties’ role in delivering health services.

  • The Health Subaccount includes funding for public health activities as well as for indigent health care (care provided to low-income, uninsured adults).
  • Counties’ role in indigent health care diminished substantially starting in 2014 when California adopted the Medi-Cal eligibility expansion as allowed by the Affordable Care Act. With this expansion, millions of uninsured adults who previously accessed health care through county programs became newly eligible for Medi-Cal. With fewer adults turning to counties for health care, the state redirected some indigent health care dollars away from counties, as described in Part 4.

Mental Health Allocation

Less than 10% of realignment funding — an estimated $618 million in 2025-26 — supports counties’ role in delivering mental health services.

  • The Mental Health Subaccount includes funding for community-based mental health services, state hospital services for civil commitments, and Institutions for Mental Disease (IMDs) — facilities with 16 or more beds where people reside to receive treatment for mental illness as well as medical and nursing care services.
  • Looking at it through a different lens, these services include both 1) Medi-Cal specialty mental health services and 2) non-Medi-Cal services.

What Else Changed with Realignment in 1991?

In addition to establishing dedicated revenue streams and allocation formulas, the 1991 realignment legislation included other significant elements. Specifically:

Counties may transfer a limited amount of their annual revenue from one realignment account to another.

  • Counties are allowed to transfer funds among the Health, Mental Health, and Social Services subaccounts.
  • Specifically, up to 10% of one account’s annual allocation may be shifted to the other two subaccounts.
  • In addition, under certain circumstances, counties may transfer:
    • An additional 10% of funds from the Health account to the Social Services subaccount.
    • An additional 10% of funds from the Social Services subaccount to the Health or Mental Health subaccounts.

Realignment legislation included “poison pill” provisions — one of which remains in effect today.

  • When the realignment legislation was advancing, state leaders were uncertain whether any of its provisions would be challenged through a lawsuit or a “mandate” claim filed by a county seeking reimbursement from the state.
  • As a result, state leaders added several “poison pills” to the legislation that were intended to nullify key components of realignment if a challenge was successful.
  • Some of the hurdles created by these poison pills were ultimately overcome — specifically, provisions that would have rolled back the half-cent sales tax increase or the Vehicle License Fee increase, either of which would have reduced the revenue available to support the realigned programs.
  • However, one of the poison pills remains active: If any county makes a mandate claim that results in state costs of more than $1 million, the 1991 realignment would come to an end.

Part 3: Key Facts About the 2011 Realignment

What Did the 2011 Realignment Do?

In 2011, the Legislature built on the 1991 realignment by further increasing counties’ responsibility for several health and social services programs while also realigning certain public safety functions. (See the Appendix for descriptions of these programs.) This new realignment in 2011 revised the state-county relationship in two key ways:

How Is the 2011 Realignment Funded?

To fund the 2011 realignment, state leaders carved out portions of two existing revenue streams and dedicated those revenues to counties. These revenues are estimated to total $10.7 billion in 2025-26.

The Legislature redirected to counties a portion of state sales taxes as well as a portion of Vehicle License Fee (VLF) revenue in order to fund the realigned programs.

  • The Legislature shifted revenues equal to 1.0625 cents of the state sales tax rate to counties. In other words, slightly more than 1 cent of the sales tax rate on each $1 in taxable purchases bypasses the state treasury and goes directly to counties. In 2025-26, these diverted sales tax dollars are estimated to total $9.8 billion — more than 90% of all revenues that counties receive through the 2011 realignment.
    • In addition, the state uses General Fund dollars to backfill for certain exempt sales tax categories. This provides a relatively small amount of additional revenue to support counties’ 2011 realignment responsibilities. This General Fund backfill is estimated to total $44.2 million in 2025-26.
  • The Legislature also redirected a portion of VLF revenues to counties. In 2025-26, the VLF revenues shifted to counties are estimated to total $919.3 million — about 9% of all revenues that counties receive through the 2011 realignment.

What is the sales tax?

  • The sales tax — formally, the “sales and use tax” — is a tax on the purchase of tangible goods in California (the “sales tax”) or the use of tangible goods in California that were purchased elsewhere (the “use tax”).
  • Services are excluded from the sales and use tax, as are other items exempted by law, including groceries, menstrual hygiene products, and medications.
  • The sales and use tax is a regressive tax because households with lower incomes generally spend a larger share of their incomes on necessities than households with higher incomes, so a larger share of their income goes to sales taxes.

What is the vehicle license fee?

  • The VLF is an annual state fee that is based on the purchase price or value of a vehicle.
  • In 2011, state leaders shifted to counties part of the base 0.65% VLF rate in order to help fund counties’ increased responsibilities under the 2011 realignment.

How Is the 2011 Realignment Structured?

The 2011 realignment revenues move through a complicated set of accounts that the Legislature last modified in 2012, the year after this realignment was adopted.

Revenue

The state sales tax and Vehicle License Fee (VLF) revenues that fund the 2011 realignment flow into an account called the “Local Revenue Fund 2011” until this fund reaches its “base” level for a fiscal year.

  • These base funds support counties’ role in providing the services included in the 2011 realignment.
  • Realignment revenues sometimes fail to reach the base level of funding, such as when sales tax revenues decline during a recession. When this happens, counties receive less funding, but the gap is tracked and the base is gradually restored when revenues begin to grow again.
  • In other words, under the 2011 realignment, counties’ base funding is temporarily lowered when revenues decline. In contrast, when 1991 realignment revenues fail to reach the base level, counties’ base funding is permanently lowered because there is no requirement for base restoration in the 1991 realignment.

What is realignment “Base” revenue?

  • “Base” revenue for a fiscal year = the amount of realignment revenue allocated to counties in the prior fiscal year. In other words, the total amount of realignment revenue that counties receive in one year becomes the base level of funding for the next fiscal year.

Any sales tax and VLF revenue that exceeds the base funding level for a fiscal year becomes “growth” revenue.

  • Growth revenue — if available — is allocated to the programs included in the 2011 realignment based on complex rules that set funding priorities.
  • For example, if sales tax revenue grows year-over-year, about two-thirds of that growth is divided among the behavioral health and social services programs, while the remaining one-third of those growth dollars go to the public safety programs.

what is realignment “growth” revenue?

  • “Growth” revenue = the amount of realignment revenue left over (if any) after the base level of revenue for a fiscal year has been reached.
  • In other words, sales tax and VLF revenue that exceeds the base level of funding for a fiscal year flows to counties on top of their base allocations.

Allocations: Big Picture

More than 60% of revenues provided through the 2011 realignment — an estimated $6.7 billion in 2025-26 — support counties’ role in delivering behavioral health and social services. The remaining funds — an estimated $4.0 billion — go to public safety programs that were realigned to counties in 2011.

Behavioral Health Allocation

Nearly one-third of 2011 realignment funding — an estimated $3.5 billion in 2025-26 — supports behavioral health services. This includes funding for both 1) the mental health and substance use disorder treatment services that counties took increased responsibility for starting in 2011 and 2) the mental health services that were shifted to counties as part of the earlier realignment in 1991.

Social Services Allocation

Around 30% of 2011 realignment funding — an estimated $3.2 billion in 2025-26 — supports counties’ role in providing social services for children, youth, and older and dependent adults.

  • These funds flow into the Protective Services Subaccount, supporting Child Welfare Services, Foster Care, Adoption Assistance, and related programs for children and youth as well as Adult Protective Services.
  • In 2011, counties were already administering these programs, most of which were also included in the 1991 realignment. The primary impact of the 2011 realignment was to increase counties’ costs — and eliminate the state’s costs — for these programs, with the new realignment revenue intended to help counties meet their larger financial obligations.
    • For example, since 2011 counties have been fully responsible for the nonfederal share of costs for the child welfare system.

Public Safety Allocation

Over one-third of 2011 realignment funding — an estimated $4.0 billion in 2025-26 — supports public safety programs.

  • These funds flow into the Law Enforcement Services Account and primarily support counties’ role in “community corrections” — the management, supervision, and rehabilitation of people convicted of certain low-level offenses who, prior to 2011, served their sentences in state prison and were supervised by state parole agents upon release.

What Else Changed with Realignment in 2011?

In addition to establishing dedicated revenue streams and allocation formulas, the 2011 realignment legislation included other significant elements. Specifically:

Counties may transfer a limited amount of revenue between the Behavioral Health and Protective Services subaccounts, both of which are part of the Support Services Account.

  • Specifically, counties may shift — in either direction — an amount of funding that does not exceed 10% of the funds in the smaller account, based on the prior fiscal year’s funding level. (Certain counties are not subject to the 10% cap.)
  • Any transfer applies only for the fiscal year in which it is made, meaning that transfers do not create a permanent funding shift.

Counties are not allowed to transfer funds between the Support Services Account and the Law Enforcement Services Account.

  • This means that funding for behavioral health programs and social services cannot be used for law enforcement purposes (or vice versa) — even on a temporary basis.

The 2011 realignment includes constitutional protections approved by California voters.

  • In 2012, California voters strengthened the 2011 realignment by approving Proposition 30, which enshrined significant protections for the state and counties in the state Constitution. Specifically, Prop. 30:
    • Constitutionally protects the state revenue that was shifted to counties to fund their responsibilities under the 2011 realignment. This means the state cannot reduce or eliminate these revenues without voter approval.
    • Requires the state to provide counties with alternative funding if current realignment revenues are eliminated.
    • Allows counties to disregard state policy changes that increase realignment program costs if the state does not provide funding to offset those costs.
    • Requires the state to pay at least half of any 2011 realignment program cost increases that stem from federal court or administrative decisions or federal law or regulations.
    • Constrains the state’s ability to submit federal plans or waivers that would increase counties’ costs for realigned programs.
    • Protects the state from mandate claims related to the 2011 realignment.

Part 4: How State Leaders Reshaped Realignment to Benefit the State Budget

In the early 2010s, as California struggled to emerge from the Great Recession, state leaders made three major changes to the 1991 realignment framework to reduce cost pressures on the state’s General Fund. Notably, one of these changes involved shifting funds between the 1991 and 2011 realignments.

Taken together, these changes today provide a roughly $3 billion annual benefit to the state budget. These adjustments to the 1991 realignment funding structure — and the new accounts that were created to implement them — are described below.

CalWORKS MOE Subaccount

In 2011, state leaders approved a complex funding shift between county-run mental health programs and CalWORKs, creating over $1 billion in annual state General Fund savings.

  • In 2011, as state leaders were developing California’s second major state-to-county realignment, they decided to use a portion of the revenue from this new realignment — capped at $1.1 billion per year — to pay for counties’ mental health obligations, which were shifted to counties as part of the first major realignment in 1991.
  • This fund shift freed up $1.1 billion of 1991 realignment revenue that otherwise would have remained in the Mental Health Subaccount and supported counties’ mental health responsibilities. In other words, counties no longer needed those 1991 realignment dollars for mental health because those funds were replaced with revenue from the 2011 realignment.
  • These freed-up revenues were redirected to a CalWORKs MOE Subaccount that was added to the 1991 realignment framework (MOE = “maintenance of effort”). These dollars replaced, or offset, the state’s cost for CalWORKs grants, resulting in ongoing annual state General Fund savings of $1.1 billion.
  • Because this policy change implemented a funding shift rather than a funding cut, there was no detrimental impact on county-run mental health programs or on the CalWORKs program.

Family Support Subaccount

In 2013, state leaders shifted some 1991 realignment revenue from county-run indigent health care programs to CalWORKs, generating hundreds of millions of dollars in ongoing state General Fund savings.

  • Prior to 2014, Californians with low incomes who were ineligible for Medi-Cal (Medicaid) received care through county indigent health care programs, which were part of the 1991 realignment and funded with realignment revenues.
  • With the passage of the federal Affordable Care Act (ACA) in 2010, states were allowed to expand — starting in 2014 — their Medicaid programs to millions of adults who previously were excluded due to Medicaid’s stringent rules. California implemented this expansion in 2014. This change shifted primary responsibility for providing health care to these adults — along with the cost — from counties to the state and federal governments.
  • Given counties’ diminished role — and the state’s significantly expanded role — in indigent health care, state leaders created a complex set of formulas to capture county savings. In other words, a portion of counties’ 1991 realignment revenue for indigent health care was shifted to the state. These changes were included in Assembly Bill 85 (Committee on Budget, Statutes of 2013), as modified by Senate Bill 98 (Chapter 358, Statutes of 2013).
  • These redirected 1991 realignment revenues:
    • Are deposited into the Family Support Subaccount, which was added to the 1991 realignment framework by AB 85.
    • Replace, or offset, the state’s cost for CalWORKs grants and county administration of the program, resulting in annual state General Fund savings.
  • The amount of 1991 health realignment funds redirected to the state varies from year to year. This fund shift is estimated to exceed $700 million in 2025-26.

Child Poverty and Family Supplemental Support Subaccount

In 2013, state leaders redirected a portion of 1991 realignment “growth” revenue to support periodic increases to CalWORKs cash assistance for families, precluding the need for the state General Fund to pay for these increases.

  • In the early 2010s, the state adjusted counties’ share of cost for the In-Home Supportive Services (IHSS) program, which counties fund largely with revenues provided by the 1991 realignment.
  • With this adjustment, counties’ costs for IHSS grew more slowly than under the previous cost-sharing formula. As a result, counties needed less 1991 realignment revenue to cover their annual IHSS cost growth. Under the longstanding rules of the 1991 realignment, these freed-up revenues became available for other programs, such as public health and mental health services.
  • However, state leaders changed the rules for distributing certain 1991 realignment growth revenue (“general growth”) in order to provide periodic CalWORKs grant increases with these growth dollars. These changes were included in Assembly Bill 85 (Committee on Budget, Statutes of 2013), as modified by Senate Bill 98 (Chapter 358, Statutes of 2013).
  • As a result, in addition to supporting counties’ long-standing health and mental health obligations, a portion of “general growth” dollars were shifted into a Child Poverty and Family Supplemental Support Subaccount — often called the “Child Poverty” account — that was added to the 1991 realignment framework by AB 85 in 2013.
  • Child Poverty funds provide automatic CalWORKs grant increases if there is enough funding to support 1) the ongoing cost of prior grant increases and 2) the ongoing cost of a new grant increase. Funds in the Child Poverty account have grown from $0 in 2013-14 to an estimated $1.1 billion in 2025-26.
  • Using a portion of 1991 realignment revenue to fund periodic CalWORKs grant increases means that less money from the state’s General Fund is needed for this purpose, improving the state budget’s bottom line. Nonetheless, state leaders have continued to use General Fund dollars to provide some discretionary grant increases over the past decade. These discretionary increases — which are on top of the automatic increases provided with realignment funds — have aimed to reduce the number of CalWORKs families living in extreme poverty.

Appendix

1991 Realignment Details: Funding and Programs

This table displays estimated funding for each 1991 realignment account as of the enacted 2025-26 state budget (signed into law in June 2025):

This table describes the programs and functions included in the 1991 realignment:

2011 Realignment Details: Funding and Programs

This table displays estimated funding for each 2011 realignment account as of the enacted 2025-26 state budget (signed into law in June 2025):

This table describes the programs and functions included in the 2011 realignment:

Other Key Realignment Resources

Glossary of Key Realignment Terms

guide to the county budget process

Check out our Guide to the County Budget Process — a resource designed to help Californians understand how county budgets work and how you can engage with local leaders to advocate for fair and just policy choices.


Supported by California Health Care Foundation (CHCF), which works to ensure that people have access to the care they need, when they need it, at a price they can afford. Visit www.chcf.org to learn more.

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key takeaway

H.R. 1, the harmful Republican megabill passed in July 2025, will deeply harm Californians by cutting funding for essential programs like health care, food assistance, and education — while providing massive tax breaks to the wealthy and corporations. The spending cuts will disproportionately impact families with low incomes, immigrants, and communities of color, pushing more people into poverty and widening racial and economic inequities across the state.

Meanwhile, the 2025-26 state budget, which Governor Newsom signed into law in June, fails to advance a bold vision and invest in California’s future. Confronting the harm of the Trump agenda requires bolder action from state leaders to protect vulnerable Californians and ensure access to basic supports, such as health care and food assistance.

Introduction

On July 4, President Trump signed into law a budget bill that strips away health care, food assistance, and other basic supports from tens of millions of Americans — including Californians in every congressional district across the state —  while exploding funding for his immigration enforcement agenda and doubling down on costly tax cuts for corporations and the wealthy.

Trump’s budget “reconciliation” bill was opposed by every Democrat and supported by every Republican in California’s congressional delegation, including Reps. David Valadao (CA-22), Young Kim (CA-40), and Ken Calvert (CA-41), whose constituents are especially vulnerable to cuts in health care and food assistance.

The federal budget bill sets in motion massive reductions to federal funding for Medicaid health coverage (Medi-Cal in California) and SNAP food assistance (CalFresh in California) — cuts that will destabilize the state budget and harm millions of Californians, including children, older adults, and people with disabilities.

Trump’s bill also includes an unprecedented expansion of funding for detention and deportation, which will escalate the fear and intimidation that many Californians have already experienced in Los Angeles, the Central Valley, and other parts of the state — and that threatens local economies.

Just weeks after passing the reconciliation bill, congressional Republicans approved the president’s request to cancel more than $9 billion in spending for foreign aid and public broadcasting that Congress had previously authorized. The president is expected to send additional “rescissions” (cancellation) requests to Congress, building on the administration’s broader effort to unlawfully delay or block billions of dollars in appropriations from being spent.

Join us in Sacramento on April 22, 2026 for engaging sessions, workshops, and networking opportunities with fellow changemakers, inspiring speakers, and much more.

Trump and congressional Republicans will ultimately bear responsibility for the harm caused by their massive spending cuts, detention and deportation agenda, and inequitable tax policies. However, California’s state leaders cannot stand idly by as the pain of these cruel federal policy choices radiates out across the state. State policymakers must commit to doing all they can to protect vulnerable Californians and ensure access to basic supports like health care and food assistance.

Unfortunately, the 2025-26 state budget signed by Governor Newsom in June fails to advance a bold vision to protect Californians and invest in the future of our state. In closing a roughly $7 billion budget deficit, state leaders avoided some of the harmful cuts that the governor proposed in his May Revision. However, the budget still includes major reductions that will harm the same populations targeted by federal policies.

Confronting the harm of Trump’s agenda requires bolder state action, including adopting major tax policy changes to raise the revenue needed to protect Californians from deepening hardship. As corporations reap billions in federal tax giveaways, California has a responsibility to claw back a share of that revenue through its own tax policies to reduce the suffering that Californians will experience due to harmful federal policies.

And addressing the harm to California’s communities can’t wait. The California Budget & Policy Center urges state leaders to reopen the state budget — in August or during a special session — to start making the necessary investments and raising the revenues needed to prepare for the devastating federal cuts that will roll out over the next several months and beyond.

With Californians and the state under increasing federal attacks on various fronts, Californians should be asking:

“Where are our state leaders and why aren’t their budget policies presenting a bolder vision to protect and invest in Californians and the future of our state?”

At the California Budget & Policy Center, we are committed to working with state leaders to ensure that California can offer the alternative vision — a government of care and inclusion — that Californians deserve.

Implementation Dates

Health Care

More than 1 in 3 Californians rely on Medi-Cal, the state’s Medicaid program that provides free or low-cost health coverage to people with low incomes. That’s nearly 15 million people in the state, including children, pregnant individuals, seniors, and people with disabilities. For those who don’t qualify for Medi-Cal but still need help affording coverage, Covered California offers private insurance plans with financial assistance from federal and state subsidies. About 1.8 million Californians get their coverage through Covered California.

Alongside Medi-Cal and Covered California, Medicare is a critical pillar of California’s health care system. Medicare is a federal program that provides health insurance to people age 65 and older and to younger individuals with long-term disabilities. About 6.6 million Californians are enrolled in Medicare, including 1.6 million people who are dually eligible for both Medicare and Medi-Cal due to their age and income.

Cuts to any of these health care programs can cause serious and lasting harm. Without health insurance, people are more likely to skip routine checkups, delay treatment, or avoid health care altogether. This increases the risk of preventable illnesses becoming more serious, drives up emergency room visits, and pushes more people into medical debt. Over time, losing access to coverage not only harms individual health but leads to overcrowded clinics, longer wait times for appointments, and fewer resources for providers to serve their communities.

How Does the Federal Budget Bill Affect Health Care in California?

Republicans in Congress and the Trump Administration recently enacted the deepest health care cuts in US history, slashing over $1 trillion from Medicaid over the next decade. These cuts, along with new burdensome red tape, put the health, financial security, and well-being of millions of Californians at risk. While some of the provisions in the federal bill won’t take effect right away, the long-term impacts amount to a partial repeal of the Affordable Care Act (ACA).

A major part of California’s progress to expand health coverage over the last decade was due to the ACA’s expansion of Medi-Cal, which California fully implemented in 2014. A key reform was extending Medi-Cal eligibility to low-income adults under age 65 without dependents, a group that was previously excluded from Medicaid in most states. Today, about 5 million Californians are part of this “ACA expansion population.” That coverage is now at risk, as the federal bill imposes harsh work requirements and stricter eligibility checks that could push many off Medi-Cal due to red tape.

As people lose health coverage, clinics and hospitals — especially in rural areas — will face additional financial strain. Health care providers will struggle to meet the growing demand for health care services with fewer resources. The result will be overcrowded clinics, fewer options for care in local communities, and rising health care costs that make it harder for people to get the care they need when they need it.

The federal budget bill includes a number of harmful changes that would weaken Medicaid (Medi-Cal) and put health coverage at risk for millions of Californians. Specifically, the bill:

  • Takes Medicaid and CHIP (Children’s Health Insurance Program) coverage away from many immigrants starting October 2026. Under this change, only US citizens, US nationals, and a narrow group of immigrants would remain eligible: green card holders (excluding those in the US temporarily), certain Cuban and Haitian immigrants, Compact of Free Association (COFA) migrants, and immigrant children and pregnant adults who meet specific federal residency criteria. Refugees, asylees, humanitarian parolees, trafficking survivors, and other immigrants previously eligible under humanitarian protections would lose access to care — cutting off coverage for some of the most vulnerable people.
  • Imposes new burdensome work reporting requirements for adults in the ACA expansion population, which could result in 3 million adults in California losing Medi-Cal coverage. Work requirements are essentially cuts that would cause significant health coverage losses. The exact timing for when California will implement work requirements has not been decided. Implementation is set to begin in January 2027, but states can start earlier with federal approval, or delay until January 2029 if they get an extension. This policy change requires certain adults (ages 19-64) to prove they are working, looking for work, or participating in job training programs for at least 80 hours per month in order to keep their Medi-Cal coverage. Some groups would be exempt, such as pregnant people, adults caring for someone with a disability, adults caring for a dependent child age 13 or younger, tribal members, foster and former foster youth under age 26, adults released from incarceration within the past 90 days, and veterans with a disability. However, it remains to be seen how these exemptions would be applied in practice, given limitations in the data used to determine who falls into these categories. The state Department of Health Care Services estimates that work requirements will result in up to 3 million adults losing coverage as well as a loss of $22.3 billion in federal funding for Medi-Cal.
  • Makes it more challenging for adults in the ACA expansion population to maintain their Medi-Cal coverage due to increased eligibility checks — yet another tactic to push people from coverage. This change requires California to check Medi-Cal eligibility twice a year instead of once a year starting January 2027. Paperwork and documentation requirements can be burdensome for people to navigate. In addition, many Californians already experience long wait times when trying to contact county Medi-Cal workers to address eligibility questions or submit necessary information. The state Department of Health Care Services estimates that this policy change will result in 400,000 adults losing coverage, which will drive up the uninsured rate and raise costs for hospitals and clinics treating uninsured patients.
  • Makes it more expensive for many adults to access health care by imposing new costs of up to $35 per service for certain adults beginning October 2028. This applies to adults in the ACA expansion population with incomes greater than 100% of the federal poverty level ($15,560 per year). In this context, these new costs refer specifically to copayments: the fixed out-of-pocket fees people must pay when they receive a health care service. Even modest costs can lead people to delay or skip needed care, putting their health at risk. Currently, most Medi-Cal enrollees do not pay copayments, and some services (e.g., emergency care, pregnancy-related care, and family planning) are fully exempt. Under this policy change, primary care and behavioral health services would be newly added to the list of exemptions, but states will now be required to charge copayments for most other services. Providers will also be allowed to turn people away if they can’t pay the new fee, creating yet another barrier for low-income adults trying to get care.
  • Shortens Medi-Cal retroactive coverage for adults starting January 2027, leaving many people with less help paying for medical care they received before applying. Currently, Medi-Cal covers up to 3 months of past care, which is important for people who delay applying due to illness, paperwork, or other barriers. This policy change cuts that to just 1 month for ACA expansion adults and 2 months for all other applicants. This bill does allow states to provide up to 2 months of retroactive coverage for children in CHIP (Children’s Health Insurance Coverage). An estimated 86,000 Medi-Cal members per year would be affected by this policy and receive 1 month of retroactive coverage instead of 3 months.
  • Severely reduces access to preventive care, primary care, and reproductive and sexual health care by defunding providers that offer abortion services. Specifically, the federal budget act prohibits Medicaid funding to be used to pay for services provided by Planned Parenthood for one year. More than 80% of Californians who seek care at Planned Parenthood health centers rely on Medi-Cal for their health coverage, meaning the large majority of Californians receiving critical care from Planned Parenthood will be severely restricted in their access to preventive care, primary care, and reproductive and sexual health care. Federal law already prohibits Medicaid from covering abortion services, except in certain circumstances. While this was set to take effect immediately, a federal judge has blocked this provision, which should allow — for the time being — approximately $300 million in federal funding to Planned Parenthood clinics in California to be restored.
  • Keeps harmful policies in place that make it harder for people to access and maintain Medi-Cal health coverage. Specifically, the bill blocks implementation of a federal rule that would have made it easier for children, seniors, and people with disabilities to enroll and maintain health coverage. This rule was designed to reduce administrative barriers, prevent unnecessary coverage losses, and improve continuity of care.
  • Reduces federal funding for emergency care for immigrants. Starting October 2026, California will no longer receive a 90% federal funding match for emergency services provided to individuals who would qualify for the ACA expansion group if not for their immigration status. This change means the state will either have to spend more from the General Fund to maintain current services or cut back on the emergency care covered through Medi-Cal. As a result, some immigrants may be denied life-saving care, and the financial burden on California’s safety net hospitals and clinics could grow.
  • Restricts how California funds its Medi-Cal program by banning new provider taxes, imposing new uniformity rules, and capping existing tax rates. The ban on new provider taxes and the requirement that Medicaid plans and providers be taxed at the same rate as non-Medicaid entities take effect immediately, unless the US Health and Human Services Secretary grants a three-year transition period. Starting in October 2027, the law also begins phasing down the allowable provider tax rate from 6% to 3.5% of net patient revenue by 2032. Overall, these provisions directly threaten the Managed Care Organization (MCO) tax and Hospital Quality Assurance Fee — key tools California relies on to draw down federal funds and sustain Medi-Cal and other important health care investments. While the direction of these cuts is clear, the full impact will depend on how federal agencies implement the law and whether California can adjust its provider tax structures to comply with the new rules. If revenue from provider taxes are reduced or lost altogether, California could face major budget shortfalls that will likely put Medi-Cal coverage at risk, especially in communities that have long faced barriers to care.
  • Caps how California can pay Medi-Cal providers through State-Directed Payments (SDPs), which are extra payments the state uses to help providers cover the cost of caring for Medi-Cal patients. The bill caps these payments at 100% of Medicare rates, which is below what California currently pays. While this is not a direct funding cut, this policy change limits how much federal Medicaid funding California can draw down. Some existing SDP arrangements may be temporarily protected, but those protections begin phasing out in January 2028. Due to these changes, California hospitals could lose billions in federal funding, which would strain safety-net providers and make it harder for Medi-Cal patients to get care.

The federal budget bill also undermines Medicare, the federal program that provides health coverage for older adults and people with disabilities, putting the care of millions of Californians at risk. The bill:

  • Takes Medicare away from certain immigrants who currently qualify. Medicare is an earned benefit. People become eligible if they or their spouse have worked in the US for at least 10 years. Today, immigrants with legal permission to live and work in the US can qualify for Medicare if they meet the work criteria. This bill restricts access to Medicare to only US citizens, green card holders, Cuban-Haitian entrants, and individuals from COFA nations (Compacts of Free Association). As a result, many immigrants who have spent years contributing to Medicare would be permanently denied the benefits they’ve earned — an exclusion that is both unfair and deeply unjust. For those already receiving Medicare but who are no longer eligible under these new rules, the bill terminates their benefits no later than January 4, 2027.
  • Keeps harmful policies in place that make it harder for low-income seniors and people with disabilities to afford health care and prescription drugs. Specifically, the bill delays the full implementation of a federal rule that would have allowed more low-income Medicare beneficiaries to enroll in the Medicare Savings Program, which covers Medicare premiums and often other out-of-pocket costs through Medicaid. The rule would have simplified the enrollment process and required states to automatically enroll people who receive Supplemental Security Income (SSI). While some provisions of the rule have already taken effect, the bill delays full implementation of the rule until October 1, 2034. This means many low-income older adults and people with disabilities will continue to face barriers to getting the financial help for which they qualify.
  • Keeps unsafe nursing home conditions in place, putting seniors and people with disabilities at risk. The bill delays implementation of a federal rule, finalized in May 2024, that requires nursing homes to increase staffing levels and report more information about worker pay. These long-overdue reforms were designed to address dangerously low staffing levels that put patients at risk. Under new law, the Secretary of Health and Human Services is prohibited from implementing, administering, or enforcing the staffing requirements until October 1, 2034. This delay means many older adults and people with disabilities who rely on nursing homes for daily care will continue to face unsafe and understaffed conditions for the next decade.

The federal budget bill makes sweeping changes that will reduce access to Covered California and increase health care costs for many Californians, especially immigrants and people with unstable incomes. Losing health insurance isn’t just harmful for those who directly lose coverage — it also threatens the broader health care system. By pushing people, particularly younger and healthier individuals, out of coverage, the bill weakens the health insurance market and could lead to higher premiums for those who remain insured. Specifically, the bill:

  • Takes Covered California support away from certain immigrants who currently qualify. The federal budget bill eliminates premium tax credits for lawfully present immigrants with incomes under the poverty line starting January 2026, and further restricts eligibility beginning January 2027 to only US citizens, green card holders, COFA migrants, and Cuban and Haitian entrants. As a result, refugees, asylees, DACA recipients, TPS holders, and others will lose access to subsidies. This exclusion targets people who have fled violence or instability and undermines their ability to stay healthy, support their families, and fully participate in their communities.
  • Fails to extend enhanced premium tax credits, making Covered California coverage much more expensive. Without action, about 1.8 million Californians would face higher premiums and up to 400,000 people may lose coverage altogether when the credits expire at the end of 2025. Monthly premium costs would rise by an average of 63%, with even steeper increases for communities of color — up to 76% for Latinx enrollees and 71% for Asian enrollees.
  • Raises health care costs and penalizes people with fluctuating incomes. Under current law, people who receive premium tax credits through Covered California have to repay only a portion if their income ends up higher than expected, but the bill removes those protections and requires full repayment, no matter their income level. It also ends cost-sharing assistance for people who enroll outside of the standard open enrollment window. These harmful changes will take effect for taxable years beginning January 1, 2026, making coverage more expensive and less stable for many Californians, particularly seasonal workers, gig workers, and others with incomes that vary from month to month.

How Does California’s 2025-26 State Budget Impact Health Care?

As Republicans in Congress were advancing a harmful federal budget bill, California policymakers approved state-level budget cuts that more immediately reduce access to health care, including budget decisions that restrict coverage for immigrants. While the state-level cuts are smaller in scale than those at the federal level, these state-level decisions still pose serious risks. Taken together, federal and state cuts threaten to reverse more than a decade of progress that brought California’s uninsured rate to a historic low.

The enacted 2025-26 state budget includes targeted cuts that roll back coverage for undocumented Californians, primarily adults ages 19 and older. It also affects some immigrants who are federally ineligible for Medicaid, such as lawful permanent residents subject to a five-year federal waiting period. Specifically, the state budget:

  • Freezes new Medi-Cal enrollment for undocumented adults ages 19 and older starting in January 2026. Under this change, income-eligible undocumented adults who are not enrolled by that date would be barred from entering the program. There is a 90-day re-enrollment period if someone otherwise eligible loses coverage, but after that, this change blocks re-enrollment for those who lose coverage — even temporarily — due to changes in income, paperwork issues, or life circumstances. This change reduces General Fund spending by $77.9 million in 2025-26, increasing to $3.3 billion by 2028-29.
  • Imposes a burdensome $30 monthly Medi-Cal premium for certain immigrants ages 19-59 starting in July 2027. Undocumented adults and certain other groups of immigrants will be required to pay $30 per month to keep their Medi-Cal coverage — a cost that will not apply to other Medi-Cal members. For many low-income Californians, this will make coverage unaffordable and lead to disenrollment. This change will reduce General Fund spending by $695.7 million in 2027-28 and $675 million in 2028-29 and ongoing.
  • Eliminates Medi-Cal dental benefits for certain immigrants starting July 2026. This change ends full-scope dental coverage for undocumented adults and certain other groups of immigrants, but allows them to continue to have access to restricted-scope emergency dental coverage. This reduces access to basic health services and could lead to serious, untreated dental conditions. This change will reduce General Fund spending by $308 million in 2026-27 and $336 million in 2028-29 and ongoing.

The budget agreement also includes broader cuts that would affect all Medi-Cal enrollees, including seniors, people with disabilities, and individuals managing chronic health conditions. Specifically, the enacted budget:

  • Reinstates Medi-Cal asset limits, which were eliminated in January 2024 and would return in January 2026. This policy change would require seniors and people with disabilities to limit their assets to $130,000 for individuals and $195,000 for couples. The asset test weakens a household’s financial stability and discourages savings as people may be compelled to spend down in order to qualify for Medi-Cal. This change reduces General Fund spending by $61.3 million in 2025-26, $562.9 million in 2026-27, and $827.4 million ongoing, inclusive of In-Home Supportive Services impacts.
  • Ends coverage for GLP-1 drugs (e.g., Ozempic and Wegovy) for weight loss starting January 2026. This cut reduces General Fund spending by $85 million in 2025-26, growing to $790 million by 2028-29. In making this cut, state leaders overlook the potential long-term health and economic benefits of reducing obesity rates, such as lower rates of heart disease and other chronic conditions.
  • Eliminates over-the-counter drug coverage. Specifically, the budget ends pharmacy coverage of certain drug classes including COVID-19 antigen tests, vitamins, and certain antihistamines including dry eye products. This could burden low-income individuals with additional out-of-pocket costs for managing everyday health needs. This change would reduce General Fund spending by $3 million in 2025-26 and $6 million in 2026-27 and ongoing.
  • Adds new step therapy protocols and prior authorization for certain drugs starting January 2026. These changes would require Medi-Cal members to first try lower-cost medications (step therapy) and obtain approval before accessing some treatments (prior authorization), potentially delaying timely, clinically appropriate care and disrupting stable treatment for people with chronic conditions. State officials project these changes will reduce General Fund spending by $175 million in 2025–26 and $350 million in 2026–27 and ongoing.

The enacted budget also includes provider payment reductions and cuts to health care infrastructure that could destabilize the health care system, which already faces a health care workforce shortage. Specifically, the budget agreement:

  • Cuts funding for Federally Qualified Health Centers (FQHCs) and rural health clinics. Specifically, the budget eliminates Prospective Payment System rates to clinics for services provided to undocumented adults and certain other groups of immigrants. Clinics serving undocumented populations would no longer receive enhanced reimbursement for care, straining the financial viability of safety-net providers. This change would reduce General Fund spending by $1 billion in 2026-27 and $1.1 billion ongoing.
  • Cuts Proposition 56 supplemental payments for dental care. Eliminating this funding — $362 million in 2026-27 and ongoing — will likely result in fewer dental providers accepting Medi-Cal patients and lead to more patients not having dental care.
  • Suspends the Proposition 56 loan repayment program. This program has been critical for recruiting and retaining health care professionals in underserved areas by helping repay student loans for providers who commit to serving Medi-Cal populations. Suspending the final cohort reduces the state’s ability to build a diverse and culturally competent workforce, particularly in rural and low-income communities. Without this incentive, fewer providers may choose to work in Medi-Cal, deepening workforce shortages. This change reduces General Fund spending by $26 million in 2025-26.
  • Reduces support for skilled nursing facilities, jeopardizing the safety and well-being of medically vulnerable people. The budget agreement eliminates the Workforce and Quality Incentive Program, which incentivizes improvements in staffing, training, and patient care outcomes. It also suspends the requirement for facilities to maintain backup power systems capable of lasting at least 96 hours — a critical safeguard during wildfires, power outages, and heatwaves. These changes reduce General Fund spending by $168.2 million in 2025-26, $280 million in 2026-27, and $140 million ongoing.
  • Establishes new prior authorization for hospice care, which could limit timely access to pain relief and supportive services. This policy change, effective July 1, 2026, requires providers to obtain prior authorization before delivering hospice services. Such administrative barriers could limit timely access to pain relief and supportive services. These changes are expected to reduce General Fund spending by $50 million in 2026-27 and ongoing.
  • Caps payments to PACE (Program of All-Inclusive Care of the Elderly) providers, which care for seniors with complex health needs. PACE providers deliver care to seniors with complex health and social needs. This funding cap, effective January 1, 2027, may make it more difficult for providers to meet individualized care needs or expand services. This change will reduce General Fund spending by $13 million in 2026-27 and $30 million ongoing.

What Should State Policymakers Do Next?

Given the scale of both the federal and state budget cuts, California leaders need to take meaningful steps to minimize the harm to people’s access to health care, especially in how they implement harmful policies like work requirements and more frequent eligibility checks. For example, state leaders should invest in Medi-Cal eligibility and enrollment systems to help counties identify who qualifies for work requirement exemptions and make it easier for people to enroll in and keep their coverage. This is essential to ensure people don’t lose Medi-Cal coverage due to paperwork issues.

But more importantly, state leaders must do everything they can to preserve and, where possible, restore health coverage in the face of unprecedented loss of federal funding.

California stands to lose between $112 billion and $187 billion in federal health care funding over the next decade, according to the Kaiser Family Foundation. This represents an existential threat to all of the progress California has made in expanding health coverage over the past decade. A budget shortfall of this magnitude will have ripple effects throughout the health care system — from reduced access to care for low-income families, to financial strain on hospitals, to higher premiums and cost-sharing for people who purchase coverage through Covered California.

Addressing this challenge will require bold leadership and new, ongoing state revenue, particularly from corporations and wealthy individuals who will benefit the most from federal tax breaks (see Tax Policy section). Without additional revenue, the state will be forced to make even deeper, more painful cuts to Medi-Cal, such as by reducing benefits, limiting provider payments, or restricting eligibility. These should all be a last resort rather than a first response.

In the near term, state leaders should preserve, and where possible, restore access to health care. This means avoiding additional cuts to Medi-Cal eligibility and prioritizing support for safety-net providers like community clinics and public hospitals that serve a large number of Medi-Cal enrollees and uninsured patients. As more people lose health coverage, these providers will face growing demand with fewer resources. Without targeted support, they could be forced to scale back services or shut down entirely, leaving entire communities without access to essential health care. While these steps won’t fully offset the damage of federal cuts, they are critical to preventing a severe health care crisis.

federal policy

The federal government plays a major role in shaping California’s budget, economy, and the well-being of its people.

Food Assistance

The Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP) — known as CalFresh in California — is the state’s most powerful tool in the fight against hunger. CalFresh provides modest monthly assistance to over 5.5 million Californians with low incomes to purchase food, bringing billions of federal dollars into the state each year that Californians spend in their communities, which helps boost local businesses and create jobs. In early 2023, CalFresh kept 1.1 million state residents out of poverty, reducing California’s poverty rate by 3 percentage points, according to the Public Policy Institute of California.

How Does the Federal Budget Bill Affect Food Assistance in California?

The federal budget package will dramatically raise costs and reduce food assistance benefits for millions of Californians by cutting federal funding for SNAP by nearly $200 billion — about 20% — across 10 years, the largest cut in the program’s history. These cuts will likely lead to increased poverty, food insecurity, and hunger among children, older adults, people with disabilities, and many others, as over 3 million California families are poised to lose some or all of their benefits. In total, cuts to SNAP are estimated to cost the state between $1.7 billion and $3.7 billion annually in lost federal funding. Here are some of the major direct impacts in California.

  • Severely limits food assistance for older adults, caregivers, veterans, former foster youth, and people experiencing homelessness by restricting CalFresh benefits to three months across three years for these groups unless they can prove they are working 20 hours per week or qualify for an exemption, such as having a disability. The new federal law requires, for the first time, that parents and caregivers of school-age children as young as 14 meet burdensome and ineffective work reporting requirements, putting 125,000 Californians at risk of losing some or all of their food assistance. Additionally, 243,000 Californians in households with non-disabled older adults ages 55-64 would also be at risk of losing some or all of their food assistance as a result of the expanded time limits. The budget bill also rescinds previous exemptions to the time limits for veterans, former foster youth, and people experiencing homelessness. As a result, the Department of Social Services estimates a loss of nearly $500 million in federal funding per year. Additionally, thousands more could be impacted as the law also restricts the state’s ability to request a waiver of these provisions in the case of weak labor market conditions. This change could limit California’s current statewide waiver to just three counties.
  • Puts the state on the hook for additional costs totaling billions of dollars annually. This cut to the SNAP program involves a fundamental change to the funding structure that will require states to pay a portion of SNAP benefits for the first time starting in federal fiscal year (FFY) 2028. In California, based on recent trends, the state will be responsible up to $1.84 billion annually to maintain current benefit levels unless it’s able to significantly decrease its payment error rate. Shifting a share of the cost of CalFresh benefits to California would likely make it impossible for the state to cover benefit costs during recessions when the need for food assistance rises but state revenues decline. Additionally, states will be required to pay for 75% of their program administrative costs starting FFY 2027 rather than the current 50%. In California, the state will have to pay an additional $685 million per year, based on current spending.
  • Effectively cuts CalFresh benefits for all 5.5 million program participants. The budget package permanently freezes the cost of the Thrifty Food Plan (TFP) outside of inflation adjustments. Prior to a 2021 expansion, the TFP had not been updated since the 1970s to reflect current science-based dietary recommendations or the economic realities of buying and preparing food. The new law will prevent future revisions to the TFP that would require additional investments, effectively decreasing already limited benefits and making it significantly harder for families to afford groceries. Additionally, other provisions of the law increase the paperwork burden required to receive utility deductions and remove internet costs as a deductible expense, which will decrease the amount of assistance most households receive.
  • Takes away food assistance from many lawfully present immigrants, including asylees, refugees, parolees, battered noncitizens, and trafficking victims. Most immigrants with humanitarian protections will immediately lose CalFresh eligibility, abandoning the federal government’s long-standing commitment to people fleeing danger. According to the Department of Social Services, this restriction will take benefits away from nearly 74,000 Californians and result in a loss of $133 million in federal funding per year. This change will also cut total federal monthly benefits for households with mixed immigration statuses that include US citizens.

What Are the Additional Federal Threats to Food Assistance in California?

Republicans may try to make additional spending cuts to non-defense “discretionary” programs that are funded through the annual appropriations process. Unlike with budget reconciliation, Democrats have leverage in the appropriations process because they are able to use the filibuster to block action in the Senate, which requires 60 votes to end. This means that decisions on discretionary spending require bipartisan support.

The appropriations process will:

In addition, other food assistance programs are facing potential cuts through agency guidance. Namely a recent notice sent out by USDA:

  • Gives the state the option to reclassify programs in a way that would restrict immigrant eligibility for multiple food assistance programs in California (see Immigrants section). Some of the programs subject to this state option include The Emergency Food Assistance Program (TEFAP), Summer EBT/Sun Bucks, and WIC, which are essential in ensuring children have enough to eat and helps food banks reach those in need. It is highly unlikely that California leaders would choose to reclassify these programs as it would create more red tape for people trying to access food assistance and increase the administrative burden on food banks and county offices.

How Does California’s 2025-26 State Budget Impact Food Assistance?

The state budget maintains previous commitments to food assistance programs, but does not make new ongoing investments to directly mitigate the harm caused by the federal cuts. Specifically, the state budget:

  • Maintains the implementation timeline to expand the California Food Assistance Program (CFAP) to eligible adults ages 55 and older, regardless of immigration status, starting October 2027.
  • Provides a total one-time investment of $60 million to the CalFood program, which helps food banks purchase California-grown food.

What Should State Policymakers Do Next?

State leaders can take bold and proactive steps to ensure Californians in need can receive food assistance and mitigate harm caused by federal cuts. Recommended actions include:

  • Investing in systems that reduce the SNAP/CalFresh payment error rate. There is a small window of time before the state will need to pay for a portion of CalFresh benefits. In order to minimize and even eliminate its liability, the state would need to reduce its FFY 2024 payment error rate of 10.98% to below 6% for either FFY 2025 or FFY 2026. The state can take swift action by investing in processes that streamline eligibility and benefit determinations to minimize overpayments and underpayments. If these investments are made before FFY 2027, the state could take advantage of the current 50% federal match for administrative funding to partly cover the costs. Administrative funds used after the start of FFY 2027 will only receive a 25% federal reimbursement.
  • Ensuring a seamless transition of newly SNAP-excluded immigrants to CFAP. The California Food Assistance Program (CFAP) has been a key instrument in providing food assistance to certain noncitizens in California who are ineligible for SNAP. Given the new expanded immigrant restrictions, state leaders should ensure people do not lose their benefits by facilitating their transition to CFAP assistance.
  • Preserving current commitments to food assistance. The recently enacted state budget preserves the commitment to expand CFAP. However, the implementation timeline has already been delayed before and was further at risk in earlier budget proposals. Ensuring the CFAP expansion moves forward as planned will help many Californians avoid hunger. Additionally, other essential programs like universal school meals, SUN Bucks, and CalFood, while not a replacement for CalFresh, can help fill gaps for families. Continuing to invest in these programs can help mitigate food insecurity.

Immigrants

California is home to the largest share of immigrants in the US and immigrants are an integral part of California’s social fabric, pay taxes, and contribute to its economic success. Over half of all California workers are immigrants or children of immigrants, and the more than 2 million Californians who are undocumented make significant contributions to state and federal revenues, contributing $8.5 billion in state and local taxes in 2022 in addition to a significant amount of federal taxes, despite their exclusion from most public benefits.

How Does the Federal Budget Bill Affect Immigrants in California?

Federal cuts and other harmful policies targeting immigrants will have severely harmful effects on families, communities, and the state’s entire economy. The federal budget act deprives children and families of nutrition and health care, while supercharging an immigration enforcement agenda that threatens constitutional protections. It provides billions in largely unrestricted funds for the Trump Administration’s immigration enforcement agenda and presents a generational threat to democratic rule of law, community safety, and local economies across the country. Here are some of the major impacts in California.

The federal budget act:

  • Increases fear and danger for millions of Californians who are immigrants and their children, as over $170 billion in unrestricted funds are directed to immigration enforcement, with detrimental effects on families, communities, and the state’s entire economy. Restrictive and harsh immigration policies negatively impact how immigrants interact with public services and institutions through a “chilling effect,” result in negative health and financial outcomes, and harm key industries like housing, farming and food production, and caregiving. This unprecedented increase in enforcement would also negatively impact US-born workers: immigrants generate jobs for US-born workers directly as entrepreneurs and indirectly, as research has shown that for every 13 foreign-born workers who leave the labor force because of direct removals and the chilling effect of deportations, 10 US-born workers lose their jobs.
  • Takes away Medicare, Medicaid, and Children’s Health Insurance Program (CHIP) from certain groups of immigrants, including refugees, asylees, and some survivors of domestic violence and sex trafficking. Since workers contribute to Medicare through taxes from their paychecks, this means the federal budget act will take away health care from people who have paid for and earned this benefit, effective January 2027 (see Health Care section). The elimination of Medicaid and CHIP eligibility for many groups of immigrants is effective October 1, 2026.
  • Bars certain groups of immigrants from qualifying for subsidies that help people afford health insurance in Covered California, effective January 1, 2026 (see Health Care section).
  • Takes away SNAP food assistance — CalFresh in California — from immigrants who are not naturalized citizens or do not hold a green card. This means most refugees as well as immigrants who are trafficking survivors or survivors of domestic violence will be excluded from federal nutrition assistance. CalFresh benefits are completely funded by the federal government, so without state action to ensure access to state-funded benefits, this provision cuts off immigrants from a key tool to put food on the table for themselves and their families. There is no date specified for this provision so no action will be taken until implementation guidance is provided.
  • Creates harsh and inequitable tax rules for immigrant filers and their US citizen family members. The federal budget act could exclude around 650,000 children children in California from the Child Tax Credit if neither of their parents has a valid Social Security Number, even though these parents collectively pay billions in taxes every year (see Tax Policy section). This is in addition to the over 200,000 children who were already excluded from the credit under the 2017 tax cuts because they lack Social Security Numbers — an exclusion made permanent by the new law. This provision is effective starting in the 2025 tax year. It also prohibits immigrants without SSNs from receiving tax credits for college students, effective beginning in tax year 2026. And the law takes away Premium Tax Credits — which help people afford health coverage — from immigrants with certain legal statuses, including but not limited to refugees, asylees, and survivors of domestic violence and trafficking, effective January 1, 2027. The new law also imposes a 1% tax on remittances that US residents send abroad, increasing the costs for people sending support to family in other countries or encouraging them to send money through less secure means. While the tax applies to people sending remittances regardless of immigration status, it is a policy that is clearly aimed at discouraging immigration and making life more difficult for immigrants and their families. The new tax will be applied to transfers beginning in 2026.

What Are the Additional Federal Threats to Immigrants in California?

Since President Trump took office, he and his administration have taken additional actions outside of the federal budget act that threaten the safety of immigrants and their ability to survive. The legality of these actions continues to be challenged. Specifically, the Trump administration has:

  • Reclassified programs as federal public benefits, which restricts these programs to “qualified immigrants.” Recent notices by the Department of Health and Human Services (HHS), Department of Education (ED), and the Department of Labor (DOL) reclassify several programs as federal public benefits, restricting eligibility to certain “qualified” immigrants, thus rescinding access to programs that many immigrant populations rely on to support themselves and their families. Another notice by the Department of Agriculture (USDA) gives states the option to reclassify programs in this way (see Food Assistance section). These notices threaten the ability of immigrants to access programs like food banks, Head Start, and Career and Technical Education (CTE) programs, and impact many groups of immigrants that were not previously subject to restrictions, such as individuals with temporary protected status and survivors of trafficking or domestic violence. Although these changes have all now taken effect immediately, they will all also require additional federal guidance to be effective. An additional order from the Department of Justice (DOJ) — effective August 15, 2025 — could also restrict many groups of immigrants from accessing services that are “necessary to protect life or safety.” Previously, these services were exempt from eligibility restrictions for immigrants, but that exemption has now been withdrawn. While it is not yet clear which services will remain available regardless of immigration status, it is clear that the Trump administration is continuing to take steps that threaten the ability of many groups of immigrants to access services such as those for survivors of violence and abuse and those needing mental health and substance use treatment.
  • Agreed to share personal data of Medicaid enrollees with Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) officials. This agreement between the Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services and the Department of Homeland Security means that the US Department of Health and Human Services has now begun sharing private personal medical data of the 79 million Americans enrolled in Medicaid — which includes nearly 15 million Californians enrolled in Medi-Cal — with ICE. This includes sensitive personal information such as home addresses and racial and ethnic information. The purpose of this data sharing agreement is explicitly to track down immigrants who may be undocumented. This unprecedented breach of medical privacy threatens the ability of immigrant Californians, especially those who are undocumented, from seeking care for fear of deportation. Immigrant Californians will now be put in impossible positions where they may delay emergency medical care because they fear for their own safety, which will lead to worse health outcomes and jeopardize the lives and health of communities.

How Does California’s 2025-26 State Budget Impact Immigrants?

Unfortunately, at a time when the federal government is actively working to dismantle the rights and protections for immigrants, California is also cutting funding for key programs serving immigrants. Specifically, the 2025-26 state budget:

  • Halts access to health programs for undocumented immigrants. The state budget implements an enrollment freeze for full-scope Medi-Cal expansion for undocumented immigrants ages 19 and over starting January 1, 2026, eliminates dental benefits for undocumented and certain other groups of immigrants beginning July 1, 2026, and implements a $30 monthly premium for undocumented immigrants and certain other groups of immigrants already enrolled in Medi-Cal starting on January 1, 2027.
  • Does not include funding to bolster the safety net for California workers who lose their jobs and are undocumented, such as ensuring these workers can access unemployment insurance benefits.
  • Includes only modest increases to legal services programs. The governor and legislators approved $25 million to defend immigrants against deportation, detention, and wage theft in a special session earlier this year, and the enacted state budget included $10 million increases each for two immigration legal services programs. However, given the threats immigrant communities are already facing and the large increase in funding for immigration detention and deportation, additional funding for immigration legal services is urgently needed.

What Should State Policymakers Do Next?

State leaders can take additional action to ensure the safety of immigrants in California and maintain prior commitments to making an equitable state for everyone, regardless of immigration status. Recommended actions include:

  • Increase funding for legal services to protect and support immigrants at risk of deportation. Advocates and state policymakers called for an additional $60 million in funding for legal services programs to protect the safety and rights of the state’s immigrant communities, and this was before the large increase in federal funding for immigration enforcement.
  • Continue to take legal action against the federal government to protect immigrant Californians from federal overreach and actions that threaten the lives, rights, and freedoms of immigrants. In a special session earlier this year, legislators and the governor approved $25 million in funding for legal resources to protect Californians against federal threats, and the state should continue to draw on this funding to protect against federal threats.
  • Uphold previous commitments to health care for all. The state budget reverses years of progress towards health care for all regardless of immigration status. This harmful decision threatens the health and lives of immigrants in the state. It is critical now more than ever that California ensures the safety and well-being of all people, especially undocumented immigrants who are under attack by this hostile federal administration. State leaders should reverse their cuts and barriers to health care for undocumented Californians and other groups of immigrants.
  • Ensure a seamless transition of newly SNAP-excluded immigrants to the California Food Assistance Program (CFAP). Given the new expanded immigrant restrictions in SNAP, state leaders should ensure people do not lose their benefits by facilitating their transition to CFAP assistance.

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Tax Policy

Having sufficient tax revenues is critical for the federal and state governments’ ability to adequately fund programs and services benefiting households who are struggling financially and lack access to affordable health care, housing, food, and other necessities. One of the key motivations for the newly enacted federal budget package was to extend and expand the massive tax cuts provided in the 2017 Trump tax law, as most of the provisions impacting individuals and families were slated to expire at the end of 2025. With the newly enacted budget bill, federal leaders not only made permanent many costly provisions of the 2017 tax cuts that mostly benefit high-income people and provided additional tax cuts for corporations, they also used the high costs of the tax cuts to justify cruel cuts to health care, food assistance, and other benefits.

How Does the Federal Budget Bill Affect Taxes in California?

In total, the tax provisions of the new law will cost the federal government nearly $4.5 trillion in lost revenue over 10 years. The largest portion of those cuts will go to the richest Americans as well as large corporations. Additionally, the new law continues to leave out millions of low-income families from fully benefiting from the Child Tax Credit, strips the credit away from additional children in mixed-status families, and excludes immigrants from additional tax benefits.

Taking all the tax provisions together, the richest 5% of Americans will receive more than 40% of the total tax cuts. Meanwhile, the bottom 20% of Americans will receive less than 1% of the tax cuts, and the meager tax benefits received by low-income families will be wiped out by the impacts of tariffs and cuts to health and food assistance programs.

In California, the richest 1% (about 200,000 households with incomes above about $1 million) will receive an average tax cut of more than $35,000 in 2026, while the lowest-income 20% of Californians (nearly 4 million households with incomes below $31,000) will get just $100 on average. Again, this small benefit for low-income families is not nearly enough to offset the cost of price increases related to President Trump’s tariff policies or the cuts to basic needs programs that will harm many of these families.

Among its many tax provisions, the reconciliation bill will:

  • Continue to exclude at least 2 million children with low incomes in California from receiving the maximum Child Tax Credit — a proven tool for improving economic security — simply because their families’ income is too low. The law permanently increases the maximum credit to $2,200, but this increase will only benefit moderate-to-higher income families, while leaving out families who are most in need.
  • Take the Child Tax Credit away from mixed-status families where at least one parent doesn’t have a valid Social Security Number beginning with the 2025 tax year, which will increase child poverty. In California, this could result in around 650,000 children losing access to this income-boosting credit. This is in addition to the over 200,000 children who were already excluded from the credit under the 2017 tax cuts because they lack Social Security Numbers — an exclusion made permanent by the new law.
  • Bar some immigrants and mixed status families from other tax benefits, including taking away tax credits that help students and their families afford higher education — the American Opportunity Credit and Lifetime Learning Credit — from tax filers who don’t have Social Security Numbers beginning with the 2026 tax year, and taking away Premium Tax Credits — which help people afford health coverage — from immigrants with certain legal statuses including but not limited to refugees, asylees, and survivors of domestic violence and trafficking beginning in 2027.
  • Take a step toward dismantling the IRS Direct File program, a free tax filing option that was piloted in states including California in 2024 before being expanded. California has taken steps to integrate its existing free state filing system, CalFile, with Direct File in 2026 to make federal and state tax filing easier for Californians. While the final federal law does not eliminate the program entirely, it will create a task force on replacing Direct File.
  • Give corporations and other businesses $165 billion in new tax breaks in 2026 alone, costing around $1 trillion over 10 years.
  • Permanently gut the federal estate tax, allowing wealthy families to pass up to $30 million to their heirs tax-free, perpetuating wealth inequality and the racial wealth gap. Only 743 very large California estates were subject to the tax in 2022, and with the passage of this bill, a similarly small share of extremely wealthy families will be responsible for paying the tax.
  • Permanently extend and make more generous a tax break for business income that disproportionately benefits rich households, who are most likely to have this kind of income. More than half of the tax benefits from this so-called “Qualified Business Income (QBI) deduction” or “pass-through deduction” go to millionaires. White families are also most likely to benefit from this deduction — a US Treasury department study estimated that 90% of the tax benefits go to white families. In California, the deduction was claimed by 70% of tax filers with incomes of at least $1 million in 2022, compared to just 11% of filers with incomes below $100,000.
  • Make the 2017 bill’s “Opportunity Zone” program permanent, with modifications. The program provides tax breaks for individuals and businesses that make investments in low-income areas. The direct tax benefits go mostly to the wealthy, while there is little indication that the program has resulted in benefits for members of the affected communities. Most of the investment that has occurred has been in real estate developments such as market-rate housing and commercial developments in communities that were already showing signs of economic improvement — and there is no evidence that the investments have resulted in new job opportunities, more affordable housing options, or other benefits for low-income residents of Opportunity Zone communities. The new law changes the definition of eligible communities to focus more on lower-income neighborhoods, while newly including rural communities and offering more generous incentives for investments in rural communities. However, the law doesn’t include any provisions that would increase the likelihood of investments in the types of projects that would actually improve the lives of low-income residents of the targeted communities.
  • Phase out tax credits for electric vehicles and renewable energy created by the Inflation Reduction Act, which will slow progress on combating climate change, reduce clean energy jobs, and increase household energy costs.
  • Create temporary tax deductions for tips, overtime pay, and auto loan interest — populist-sounding policies proposed by President Trump to distract from how much the overall tax and budget package is skewed to the rich. These policies may provide some modest benefits to some workers and families, but are poorly targeted tools to help lower-income families. Tax deductions by definition leave out people who don’t owe any federal income tax because their incomes are too low, and the deductions for tips and overtime pay leave out low-paid workers who don’t have income from tips or overtime pay while encouraging exploitation of workers by employers. These deductions will expire after the 2028 tax year if not renewed by Congress.

How Does California’s 2025-26 State Budget Impact Taxes and State Revenues?

Despite the significant damage that the federal budget and tax package will do to California’s budget and California residents and the massive tax cuts that it will give to wealthy people and corporations, the enacted 2025-26 state budget package does not take steps to significantly increase state revenues to mitigate the harms that will be felt acutely by many Californians.

The tax policy changes included in the June budget package are in line with those proposed in the governor’s January proposal, and include:

  • A more than doubling of the total allocation of tax credits for the film industry, from $330 million annually to $750 million annually for fiscal years 2025-26 through 2029-30. This expansion is estimated to cost $15 million in 2025-26, increasing to $209 million in 2028-29 and peaking after that.
  • A change in the way banks are taxed, which is estimated to increase state revenues by $330 million in 2025-26 and by around $250 million or more in future years.
  • A partial exclusion of military retirement income from taxable income, expected to reduce state revenues by $130 million in 2025-26 and by around $80 million in future years.
  • An exclusion of settlement payments related to wildfires from taxable income for settlements received anytime from 2021 through 2029, estimated to reduce state revenues by $28 million in 2024-25, by $15 million in 2025-26, and by about $17 million across the rest of the exclusion period.

What Should State Policymakers Do Next?

Given the immense harms that will be done as a result of the recently enacted federal budget bill, state leaders must develop plans to significantly raise state revenues — particularly from the corporations and wealthy individuals that stand to gain the most from the federal tax cuts — in order to balance the state budget and protect California residents that are vulnerable to serious harms from the federal cuts to health care, food assistance, and other federal policies. State leaders can start by:

  • Closing the “water’s edge” loophole that allows large multinational corporations to avoid billions in state taxes by shifting their domestic profits abroad into tax havens.
  • Increasing the tax rate on the most profitable corporations, which represent a small share of corporate tax filers but reap the vast majority of profits and are subject to the same tax rate as smaller, less profitable corporations.
  • Tightening and making permanent limitations on corporate tax credits so that corporations cannot use stockpiled tax credits to wipe out their taxes, including the additional taxes they would owe from other corporate tax reforms.
  • Exploring options to recapture a share of the federal tax cuts that high-income and high-wealth households are receiving at the federal level, such as increasing top income tax rates and pursuing reforms to better tax the wealth these households have accumulated.

Early Childhood & Education

Children’s education begins in their earliest years, creating a pipeline into K-12 and onto higher education. All educational programs play a critical role in the development, learning, and well-being of children in California. Investing in youth from cradle-to-career helps to ensure that young children are prepared for school and life, promoting academic success for children through higher education. Multiple federal actions are already harming cradle-to-career programs, jeopardizing the existence and sustainability of these important programs.

How Does the Federal Budget Bill Affect Early Childhood and Education in California?

The federal budget bill will harm California students and the systems that serve those students. As detailed in the Health and Food Assistance sections, millions of Californians, including students across the educational pipeline, will potentially lose access to food and essential services that allow them to attend school and learn. The main direct threat to TK-12 education is a national school voucher program to expand private schools and  weaken public education in states across the country. The final version of the bill, however, largely limits the reach of a national school voucher program by making it optional for states to participate in it. It is highly unlikely that California leaders would choose to participate, but there’s likely to be ongoing pressure from supporters of school vouchers for California to sign on to this damaging policy change.

The federal budget bill will mostly impact higher education by making it harder for students to finance their degrees and repay their loans, including:

  • Making several changes to student loan programs, particularly for graduate students. Starting July 1, 2026, the Graduate PLUS loan program will be eliminated. This program helps graduate and professional students cover costs not covered by other aid. Additionally, the federal law sets limits on loans for graduate and professional students: $20,500 per year and a total limit of $100,000 for graduate students, and $50,000 per year and a total limit of $200,000 for professional students. Total loan amounts for all borrowers will also be capped at $257,500 and will include loans already paid or forgiven. These limits will impact many students, especially those pursuing high-cost degrees such as medicine and law. In California, given that the total cost of attendance for students across all segments has increased rapidly, students may need to rely on private loans or choose not to pursue their degree.
  • Drastically overhauling the federal student loan repayment system. For new loans issued after July 1, 2026, borrowers will have just two repayment options: a new fixed-payment option called the “standard” plan and a new income-based plan called “Repayment Assistance Plan” (RAP). Current borrowers may remain in existing plans or opt into RAP. Limits to repayment options will likely cause financial hardship for the nearly 4 million Californians who carry student debt.

What Are the Additional Federal Threats to Early Childhood & Education in California?

Republicans may also try to make additional spending cuts to non-defense “discretionary” programs that are funded through the annual appropriations process. Unlike with budget reconciliation, Democrats have leverage in the appropriations process because they can use the filibuster to block action in the Senate, which requires 60 votes to end. This means that decisions on discretionary spending require bipartisan support in order to be approved by Congress. Additionally, since President Trump took office, he has withheld  funding from key programs. The legality of these actions continues to be challenged. Key federal threats to early childhood and education programs outside of the reconciliation process are as follows:

  • The president’s administration continues to unlawfully withhold more than $5 billion for TK-12 programs. On June 30, 2025, the US Department of Education sent letters to states that the funding they were expecting on July 1 would not be disbursed due an internal review. These funds had  already been approved by Congress in March for 2025. The harm of the freeze has been immediate, forcing school districts to make adjustments to their budgets for the upcoming school year. Impacted programs support English learners, migrant students, and teacher professional development — funding for afterschool programs was initially frozen and released to states as of July 18. The withholding of these funds created a funding gap of nearly $1 billion for California, impacting school districts’ budgets and the nearly 6 million students across all regions of the state.
  • The administration is looking to reduce federal education funding by 15%. The president’s budget proposal would impact roughly $6 billion in funding to states as it would eliminate a number of programs, including funding supporting English language learners, migrant education, teacher preparation and professional development, community schools, among others. This budget proposal also includes cuts to higher education, particularly for programs that help students pay for college. It proposes eliminating the Federal Supplemental Educational Opportunity Grant (FSEOG) and significantly reducing the Federal Work-Study (FWS) program. The proposal would also reduce the maximum Pell Grant award by nearly $1,700 from the current fiscal year. In California, Pell Grant awards support 818,000 students across California’s higher education institutions.
  • The president’s budget request proposes to eliminate the Child Care Access Means Parents in Schools (CCAMPIS) program. CCAMPIS provides funding to several institutions of higher education to help student parents with low incomes afford child care. In federal fiscal year (FFY) 2023, CCAMPIS awarded grants to 44 institutions of higher education in California, totalling $16.6 million to support California’s student parents afford child care.
  • Additionally, the president’s budget request puts funding at risk for preschoolers with disabilities. Specifically, the budget request proposes to consolidate the Individuals with Disabilities Education Act (IDEA) Part B for Preschool into IDEA Part B School Age. In FFY 2024, $420 million was appropriated for IDEA Part B for preschool-age children. In FFY 2026, this appropriation would be zeroed out for preschool-age children and instead moved into the school-age group. As a result, there would be no guarantee that preschool-age children with special needs would receive IDEA resources if the president’s proposal becomes law.
  • The notice from Health and Human Services (HHS) regarding the interpretation of “federal public benefit” (see Immigrants section) undermines access to Head Start/Early Head Start. Specifically, this notice impacts certain immigrants’ ability to access these effective early learning programs as well as promotes a chilling effect that may result in qualified immigrants choosing not to enroll in Head Start/Early Head Start. The implementation of this notice may be delayed by challenges in court.

How Does California’s 2025-26 State Budget Impact Early Childhood & Education?

The 2025-26 state budget provides additional context for understanding how California’s early childhood and education programs are impacted by federal actions. Key state budget actions are outlined as follows:

  • The 2025 enacted budget maintains TK-12 education programs. Estimates of Proposition 98, which funds TK-12 education and the community colleges, set the minimum funding guarantee at $114.6 billion for 2025-26. This funding guarantee and budgetary actions allows the state to fulfill existing commitments, including fully funding a 2.3% cost-of-living adjustment for the Local Control Funding Formula and other programs and carrying out program expansion such as Universal Transitional Kindergarten and expanded learning. Additionally, the budget provides a significant amount of one-time funds to schools, including $1.7 billion for a new discretionary block grant that will go out to school districts based on a per-pupil calculation.
  • The state budget defers additional funding commitments for the state’s university systems to future years. The final agreement includes deferrals of 3% of base funding for the California State University (CSU) and University of California (UC). The 3% in deferrals translates to $144 million for the CSU and $130 million for the UC.  These deferrals are in addition to the deferred funding commitment the state was not able to meet as part of the compacts with the two university systems. While these budgeting strategies help close overall budget shortfalls, it adds pressure to future budgets starting in 2026-27. Additionally, deferrals create uncertainty for the two systems which further complicates their budgets given ongoing attacks from the federal government.
  • Funding increases and other budget actions allow the state to meet financial aid caseloads. The enacted budget provides more than $323 million in ongoing and one-time funds across the budget window to meet an increased number of students eligible for Cal Grant awards. The budget also makes the Middle Class Scholarship more predictable for students by setting fixed award levels and ensuring colleges get the funds they need on time.
  • The state continues to delay the process of finalizing and implementing a child care provider payment system based on the true cost of care. While the 2025-26 budget agreement includes a $59.4 million increase (ongoing) for a child care provider cost-of-living adjustment, no contract agreement was reached with Child Care Providers United (CCPU). CCPU represents family child care and family, friend, and neighbor providers (i.e., home-based providers), and their contract expired on July 1, 2025. Without a new contract, the same contract terms from the expired contract remain in place. Therefore, until a new agreement is reached, home-based providers will not see an increase in their rates, despite what is in the budget agreement. This stalemate puts additional strain on an already fragile early childhood system and perpetuates historical inequities rooted in racism and sexism.

What Should State Policymakers Do Next?

Given federal actions, the state has an opportunity to mitigate harm to early childhood and education programs. Recommended state actions are as follows:

  • Continue to maintain a commitment to resource equity in the education budget. The state has made progress in establishing programs that increase educational opportunity for students in California for those that need it the most. Given ongoing federal attacks on California’s TK-12 funding, state solutions should not involve cuts to programs to backfill lost federal funds, and that involves continuing to pressure the federal government to fulfill their commitments. 
  • Accelerate efforts to make college more affordable for Californians. The limits on student loans and fewer options to loan repayment will reduce opportunities to finance a postsecondary education. While the state budget maintains current financial aid caseload levels, it does not address longstanding affordability issues, which may worsen as a result of federal actions. State leaders could revisit Cal Grant reform as they plan for future budgets to mitigate the harm coming for the federal government on college affordability and access.
  • Maintain health care and retirement benefits for home-based providers and resume CCPU negotiations. Given the harms to health care and exacerbation of income inequality resulting from the recently enacted federal bill, maintaining these benefits for home-based providers participating in the state child care subsidy system is paramount to ensuring that providers can meet their own basic needs.
  • Fulfill commitment to add 44,000 new subsidized child care spaces in the 2026-27 budget agreement. The 2024-25 budget committed to a timeline for fulfilling the promised 200,000 new subsidized child care spaces promised in 2021. Subsidized space expansion has been on pause for the last three years, with expansion expected to resume in 2026 with 44,000 slots. Given the threats to child care in recent federal actions, it is critical for the state to fulfill this commitment.

Housing & Homelessness

Over half of California’s 6 million renter households face unaffordable housing costs. This reality is especially true for low-income families with children, older adults on fixed incomes, and workers whose wages haven’t kept up with rising expenses. When rent takes up most of a paycheck, essentials like food, child care, gas, and medical care fall out of reach. These pressures contribute to the scale of homelessness in the state, with more than 350,000 Californians experiencing homelessness receiving support from service providers last year. Yet despite great need, state and federal leaders prioritized cuts to housing, food, and medical benefits — leaving many with even fewer resources to stay healthy and housed.

How Does the Federal Budget Bill Affect Affordable Housing in California?

The federal budget act makes key changes to the federal Low-Income Housing Tax Credit (LIHTC) program starting in 2026. LIHTC is a core tool for financing affordable housing in California, and while the changes will support more development, they fall short of meeting the state’s overall housing needs. They also come alongside cuts to essential safety net programs that will harm families and leave them struggling to afford other basic necessities, including housing.

Key federal LIHTC changes include:

  • A permanent 12% increase in the 9% LIHTC allocations, which are typically used for new construction and cover about 70% of eligible project costs. 
  • A permanent reduction in the bond financing threshold from 50% to 25% for the 4% LIHTC, which is commonly used for acquiring and rehabilitating buildings.

In practical terms, California will have more tax credits to allocate, which will help fund more affordable housing, but this increase will only cover a very small portion of the 2.5 million affordable homes the state needs. Plus, these gains can be undermined if they come at the expense of the very basic necessities that the same low-income families rely on to survive. Even if Californians may have a chance to access affordable housing, higher out-of-pocket costs for essentials like health care and food will leave them worse off.

The federal budget act also modifies and extends the Opportunity Zones program which provides federal tax breaks for long-term investments in designated low-income neighborhoods through projects such as housing and small businesses. While the program was intended to bring investment into these communities, the results have been mixed. Much of the housing built in these zones has been market-rate since there are no housing affordability requirements tied to the tax benefits (see Tax Policy section).

What Are the Additional Federal Threats to Housing and Homelessness in California?

Republicans may also try to make additional spending cuts to non-defense “discretionary” programs that are funded through the annual appropriations process — which include key affordable housing, rental assistance, and homelessness programs. Unlike budget reconciliation, Senate Democrats have leverage in the appropriations process because they are able to use the filibuster to block action in the Senate, which requires 60 votes to end. This means that decisions on discretionary spending require bipartisan support in order to be approved by Congress. Additionally, since taking office, President Trump has withheld funding from key programs, and the legality of those actions is being challenged in court.

However, federal threats to key affordable housing and homelessness programs outside of the reconciliation process remain. The House Appropriations Committee approved its FFY 2026 Transportation, Housing, and Urban Development (THUD) spending bill on July 16. The House bill allocates $67.8 billion to HUD, a $939 million decrease from FFY 2025. This could mean cuts to already underfunded programs for rental assistance, affordable housing, and community development. In some cases, maintaining the funding level from the previous year is proposed, which amounts to a cut in real terms due to rising housing and maintenance costs. Key concerns in the House proposal include:

  • A decrease of $773 million for Tenant-Based Rental Assistance in FFY 2026. This includes proposed level funding for Housing Choice Voucher contract renewals. It is estimated that 53,400 Californians comprising 24,300 households could be impacted by the loss of housing vouchers under this proposal.
  • A small funding increase to Homeless Assistance Grants — which fund the Continuum of Care program and Emergency Solutions Grants that support homeless services in California — falls short of meeting the scale of homelessness or investing in permanent solutions.
  • A proposal to give the US Department of Housing and Urban Development (HUD) broad authority to allow local housing agencies to increase rents and impose time limits and work requirements on families and individuals receiving assistance.

On July 24, the Senate Appropriations Committee then released their proposed FFY 2026 THUD spending bill. The Senate proposal includes $73.3 billion for HUD, which is $5.5 billion more than the House bill and about $3.3 billion more than what was provided in the FFY 2025 continuing resolution. It also does not include the harmful policy that would allow public housing authorities to impose time limits or work requirements. Still, even with the funding increase, many HUD programs like Tenant-Based Rental Assistance would not receive enough funding to support all current recipients. In California, an estimated 31,600 people comprising 14,400 households, could lose housing vouchers under this proposal.

Both the Senate and House proposals reject the most extreme parts of President Trump’s proposed HUD budget, which included deep cuts, combining key programs into block grants, and a strict two-year limit on rental or homelessness assistance. However, neither the House or Senate proposal includes the funding needed to fully transition Emergency Housing Voucher recipients into the Housing Choice Voucher program, which currently serves 15,000 people in California and nearly 60,000 nationwide.

How Does California’s 2025-26 State Budget Impact Housing and Homelessness?

The 2025-26 state budget provides limited, one-time allocations for affordable housing and homelessness — signaling that lawmakers continue to sideline core issues at the heart of California’s affordability challenges. This year, policymakers focused on reforms to increase housing production through reducing construction time, streamlining, and state administrative coordination. This is primarily through reforms to reduce construction timelines by making the California Environmental Quality Act (CEQA) optional for many urban projects and establishing a new California Homelessness and Housing Agency, effective July 2026. In addition to these legislative reforms, the 2025-26 budget includes the following:

What Should State Policymakers Do Next?

California must lead with strong, sustained state investments to protect progress and meet urgent housing needs of communities across the state — especially at a time when local governments, service providers, and affordable housing developers face growing uncertainty due to depleting state funds and proposed federal cuts. 

California has the resources to ensure ongoing funding for homelessness services and affordable housing development so that all Californians have a safe, stable place to call home. Focus should remain on funding and promoting real, compassionate solutions that aren’t rooted in criminalization, discrimination, or further displacement of unhoused Californians. Proactive efforts can also ensure renters have the protections and resources they need to stay housed, especially during economic hardship or when federal supports are at risk.

Resource Roundup

The Budget Center and our partners have produced a number of key resources that provide additional analyses and details on the impacts of the federal budget  bill. Select resources are listed below. Please see our Federal Policy page for all federally focused publications. Key partner resources summarizing and highlighting the impact of the recently passed budget bill are listed below.

General information about the recently passed federal budget bill

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key takeaway

The House reconciliation bill would deeply harm Californians by cutting funding for essential programs like health care, food assistance, and education — while granting massive tax breaks to the wealthy and corporations. These cuts would disproportionately impact families with low incomes, immigrants, and communities of color, pushing more people into poverty and widening racial and economic inequities across the state.

Budgets reflect our collective values and priorities. Yet, recent proposals in Congress would take our country in the wrong direction, threatening access to essential health care and food assistance for millions to help fund massive new tax breaks for the wealthy and fuel policies that cause harm and tear families apart. These choices make clear whose interests are being prioritized, and it’s not everyday people.

What would the federal budget reconciliation bill recently approved by the House mean for California?

  • Higher costs for food and health care for millions of families and individuals, making it even harder to make ends meet when the cost of living is already too high.
  • Increased hunger and poverty, including among children, as families face higher costs and lose access to support to meet basic needs.
  • Lost access to life-saving treatments, routine doctor visits, and medications for older adults, people with disabilities, veterans, and people with low incomes, as their coverage gets pulled out from under them.
  • More extreme income inequality and wider racial inequities, with the top 1% getting richer and people with lower incomes and people of color disproportionately harmed.
  • Increased fear and danger for millions of Californians who are immigrants and their children as significant new funding supercharges immigration enforcement and cruel policies, including restrictions on assistance, single out immigrant communities.
  • Huge new costs shifted to the state that it currently cannot absorb, destabilizing the state’s fiscal health and forcing state policymakers to make painful decisions that Congress is avoiding.

As the Senate considers modifying proposals in the House bill, this resource shows the significant and wide-reaching harm that proposed policies would inflict on communities across California.

Health Care

Medi-Cal, California’s Medicaid program, provides free or low-cost health coverage to nearly 15 million Californians — over 1 in 3 Californians — including children, pregnant individuals, seniors, and people with disabilities.

California has significantly expanded access to health coverage over the past decade, largely due to the federal Affordable Care Act (ACA), which the state fully implemented in 2014. A key component of this health care reform was extending Medi-Cal eligibility to low-income adults under age 65 without dependents. This group, known as the “ACA expansion population,” was previously excluded from Medicaid in most states. Today, they make up a big share of Medi-Cal enrollees (about 5 million people).

The ACA also established Covered California, the state’s health insurance marketplace where individuals and families can purchase private coverage with the help of federal and state subsidies. About 1.8 million Californians rely on Covered California.

Alongside Medi-Cal and Covered California, Medicare is a critical pillar of California’s health care system. Medicare is a federal program that provides health insurance to people age 65 and older and to younger individuals with long-term disabilities. About 6.6 million Californians are enrolled in Medicare, including 1.6 million people who are dually eligible for both Medicare and Medi-Cal due to their age and income level.

California has gone further than many states by expanding full-scope Medi-Cal to undocumented immigrants, helping drive the state’s uninsured rate to historic lows. Because federal law prohibits using Medicaid funds for this coverage, this expansion is funded entirely by the state.

But all of this progress is now under threat.

House Republicans have proposed a bill that would dismantle key components of the ACA and make the deepest health care cuts in history — slashing over $800 billion in federal funding over 10 years, with most of those cuts targeting Medicaid. These cuts would take health coverage away from millions of Californians, increase out-of-pocket costs for millions more, and force families to make impossible choices between getting the care they need and covering rent, groceries, or other essentials.

The damage wouldn’t stop at Medi-Cal. The proposal would also make health coverage less accessible and less affordable for the millions of people who rely on Medicare and Covered California.

In total, the bill would strip billions in federal funding from California — destabilizing the state’s health care system and fiscal health, and threatening the health and economic security of millions of Californians.

Major Impacts of the House Bill on Medicaid (Medi-Cal)

The House bill includes a number of harmful proposals that would weaken Medicaid (Medi-Cal) and put health coverage at risk for millions of Californians, including children, older adults, people with disabilities, and the nearly 5 million adults in the ACA expansion population. It would:

  • Penalize states that provide health coverage to certain groups of immigrants effective October 2027. Specifically, if a state provides health coverage to people who are undocumented as well as people with other immigration statuses, the House bill would reduce the federal matching rate for covering the Medicaid expansion population under the ACA from 90% to 80%. To avoid this penalty, state leaders could decide to end state-funded coverage for undocumented immigrants and eliminate health coverage for roughly 218,000 children and 1.4 million adults in California. Maintaining current Medi-Cal coverage under this penalty would increase state spending by an estimated $27.5 billion from 2028 to 2034. In the first year alone, the additional cost would be about $3.2 billion.
  • Put up to 5 million adults in California at risk of losing Medi-Cal due to burdensome work requirements beginning no later than December 2026. This policy change would require adults in the ACA expansion population to prove they are working, looking for work, or participating in job training programs for at least 80 hours per month in order to maintain their Medi-Cal coverage. Work requirements are essentially cuts that would cause significant health coverage losses. Although up to 5 million adults are at risk of losing Medi-Cal, the number could be lower — ranging from 2.3 million to 3.4 million — depending on the data matching methods that California could use to automatically exempt enrollees based on parenthood or wage data.
  • Make it more expensive for many adults to access health care by imposing mandatory cost-sharing of up to $35 per service for certain adults beginning October 2028. In this context, cost-sharing refers specifically to copayments: the fixed out-of-pocket fees people must pay when they receive a health care service. Even modest costs can lead people to delay or skip needed care, putting their health at risk. Currently, most Medicaid enrollees do not pay copayments, and some services (e.g., emergency care, pregnancy-related care, and family planning) are fully exempt. Under this proposal, states would be required to impose copayments for all non-exempt services, which the House bill would expand to include primary care and behavioral health services. Providers would also be allowed to deny care to people who cannot pay the required copayment, making it even harder for low-income adults to access care.
  • Make it more challenging for adults in the ACA expansion population to maintain their Medi-Cal coverage due to increased eligibility checks starting in late 2026. The House bill would require states to conduct eligibility redeterminations at least every six months for ACA expansion adults. Current law requires states to do this every 12 months. The redetermination process often involves complex paperwork and documentation requirements, which can be burdensome for people to navigate. Additionally, many Californians experience long wait times when trying to contact county Medi-Cal workers to address eligibility questions or submit necessary information. This change, set to take effect on December 31, 2026, would make it more challenging for adults to maintain their Medi-Cal coverage.
  • End gender-affirming care as an essential health benefit. About 36,000 transgender, gender expansive, and intersex (TGI) Californians with low-incomes who qualify for Medi-Cal access treatments that align with their gender identity and allow them to live safe and healthy lives. Gender-affirming care saves lives, and for the 50% of TGI Californians who experience serious mental health challenges every year, this care is critical to ensuring they can survive.
  • Severely reduce access to preventive care, primary care, and reproductive and sexual health care by defunding providers that offer abortion services. Specifically, the House bill prohibits Medicaid funding to be used to pay for services provided by Planned Parenthood for 10 years. More than 80% of Californians who seek care at Planned Parenthood health centers rely on Medi-Cal for their health coverage, meaning the large majority of Californians receiving critical care from Planned Parenthood would be severely restricted in their access to preventive care, primary care, and reproductive and sexual health care. Federal law already prohibits Medicaid from covering abortion services, except in certain circumstances.
  • Restrict states’ ability to raise revenue for Medicaid by prohibiting new or increased provider taxes — a key financing tool that states use to fund Medicaid and other important health care investments. This would directly threaten California’s ability to raise and allocate revenue through the Managed Care Organization (MCO) tax, which helps bring in additional federal funds to sustain and improve Medi-Cal coverage and access, especially in communities that have long faced barriers to care. The bill also mirrors a proposed federal rule that would further restrict how provider taxes can be structured.
  • Keep harmful policies in place that make it harder for people to access and maintain Medi-Cal health coverage. Specifically, the bill blocks federal reform that would make it easier for children, seniors, and people with disabilities to enroll and maintain health coverage. This rule was designed to reduce administrative barriers, prevent unnecessary coverage losses, and improve continuity of care.

Major Impacts of the House Bill on Medicare

The House bill includes harmful provisions that would undermine Medicare and put health coverage at risk for millions of older adults and people with disabilities. It would:

  • Take Medicare away from certain immigrants who currently qualify. Medicare is an earned benefit. People qualify for Medicare if they have worked in the US for at least 10 years or if they have a spouse who has. Currently, immigrants with legal permission to live and work in the US can qualify for Medicare if they meet the work criteria. The House bill would restrict access to US citizens, green card holders, certain Cuban parolees, and individuals from COFA nations (Compacts of Free Association). This means many immigrants who have spent years contributing to Medicare would be blocked from ever receiving the benefits they’ve earned — an exclusion that is unfair and deeply unjust.
  • Keep harmful policies in place that make it harder for low-income seniors and people with disabilities to afford health care and prescription drugs. Specifically, the House bill would block federal reform that would have allowed more low-income Medicare beneficiaries to enroll in the Medicare Savings Program, which covers Medicare premiums and often other out-of-pocket costs through Medicaid. The rule would simplify the process and require states to automatically enroll people who receive SSI. Blocking this change would leave many without critical financial assistance.
  • Keep unsafe nursing home conditions in place, putting seniors and people with disabilities at risk. The House bill would block implementation of a new federal rule finalized in May 2024 that requires nursing homes to increase staffing levels and report more information about worker pay. These long-overdue reforms were designed to address dangerously low staffing levels that put patients at risk. Delaying these protections would prolong unsafe conditions for many older adults and people with disabilities who depend on nursing homes for daily care.

Major Impacts of the House Bill on Covered California

The House bill includes sweeping changes that would reduce access to Covered California and raise health care costs for many Californians, especially immigrants and people with fluctuating incomes. It would:

  • Take Covered California support away from certain immigrants who currently qualify. The House bill would cut off premium tax credits and cost-sharing assistance for nearly 112,000 Californians who rely on Covered California to afford health insurance. It would eliminate eligibility for many immigrant groups, including people with work or student visas, refugees, survivors of trafficking, and DACA recipients (Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals). If enacted, this change could make it harder for thousands of individuals and families to afford health coverage and may lead to more people going without care or falling into medical debt.
  • Fails to extend enhanced premium tax credits, making Covered California coverage much more expensive. Without action, an estimated 2.4 million Californians would face higher premium costs, and up to 183,000 people could lose coverage altogether when the credits expire at the end of 2025. Monthly premium costs would rise by an average of 63%, with even steeper increases for communities of color — up to 76% for Latinx enrollees and 71% for Asian enrollees.
  • Make it harder for people to get health coverage through Covered California. The House bill would cut California’s open enrollment period from 90 days to 45 days. If this policy change was in place this past year, it would have prevented over 100,000 Californians from being able to enroll in health coverage. The bill would also eliminate year-round enrollment for people with incomes under 150% of the poverty line, making it harder for those with low or unstable incomes to sign up when they need coverage. In addition, the bill would end automatic renewals and require eligibility to be verified before enrollment, creating new barriers that could lower enrollment and increase the number of uninsured Californians.
  • Raise health care costs and penalize people with fluctuating incomes. Under current law, people who get premium tax credits through Covered California only have to repay a portion if their income ends up higher than expected, but the House bill would remove those protections and require full repayment, no matter their income level. It would also end cost-sharing assistance for people who enroll outside of the standard open enrollment window. These changes would make coverage more costly and less stable for many Californians, especially seasonal employees, gig workers, and others who have fluctuating incomes.
Portrait of child girl eating on snack time at school

H.R. 1 and the Federal Budget

H.R. 1, the harmful Republican mega bill passed in July 2025, will deeply harm Californians by cutting funding for essential programs like health care, food assistance, and education.

See how California leaders can respond and protect vital supports.

Food Assistance

SNAP nutrition assistance (CalFresh in California) helps over 5 million Californians each month, including workers with low-paying jobs, buy the food they need to support their households. It brings billions of federal dollars into the state each year that Californians spend in their communities which helps boost local businesses and jobs. In early 2023, CalFresh kept 1.1 million state residents out of poverty, reducing California’s poverty rate by 3 percentage points, according to the Public Policy Institute of California.

The House reconciliation bill would dramatically raise costs and reduce food assistance for millions of Californians by cutting federal funding for SNAP by nearly $300 billion — about 30% — the largest cut in the program’s history. These cuts would increase poverty, food insecurity, and hunger, among children, older adults, people with disabilities, and many others. The House bill would force state leaders to make painful cuts to this vital support and break the foundational agreement that food benefits are a federal responsibility as an entitlement program. Here are some of the major impacts in California.

The House bill would:

  • Put the state on the hook for nearly $4 billion more per year. The largest cut to the SNAP program would involve a fundamental change to the funding structure, where states would be required to pay a portion of SNAP benefits. In California, based on recent trends, the state would be responsible for about $3.1 billion annually to maintain current benefit levels. Shifting a share of the cost of CalFresh benefits to California would likely make it impossible for the state to cover benefit costs during recessions when the need for food assistance rises but state revenues decline. Additionally, the bill would require states to increase the proportion of administrative costs they cover from 50% to 75%, which in California would mean that the state would have to pay an additional $600 million per year. It would be extremely difficult for California to find nearly $4 billion in California’s already strained budget fast enough to prevent families and individuals from losing benefits. This would put Californians who rely on CalFresh to meet their basic food needs at risk of facing reduced benefits or exclusion from the program entirely.
  • Put 286,000 adults with school-age children and 201,000 older adults at risk of losing their CalFresh benefits as a result of harsh time limits. The bill would expand its already restrictive time limits for food assistance to caretakers of school-age children and older adults between the ages of 55 and 64, putting a total of 888,000 Californians, who live in households with impacted adults, at risk of losing part of their household benefits. These program participants would be limited to three months of food assistance across three years unless they show compliance with a 20-hour-per-week work requirement or prove they qualify for an exemption, such as having a disability. Work requirements are punitive and ineffective bureaucratic hurdles for families that do not lead to increased employment. Rather, they push caretakers, people with disabilities, people with mental health challenges, people who live in high unemployment areas, and people with precarious employment off assistance. Additionally, the bill would make it very difficult for states to receive waivers for time limits in most high unemployment areas, thereby demanding people work for food assistance even when jobs are not readily available.
  • Cut CalFresh benefits for all 5.5 million program participants. The bill would permanently freeze the cost of the Thrifty Food Plan (TFP) outside of inflation adjustments. The TFP had not been updated since the 1970s to reflect current science-based dietary recommendations or the economic realities of buying and preparing food prior to a 2021 expansion. The bill would prevent future revisions, effectively decreasing already limited benefits and making it significantly harder for families to afford groceries. Additionally, the bill would increase the paperwork burden required to get utility deductions and remove internet costs as a deductible expense, which would decrease the amount of assistance most households would receive. 
  • Potentially put significant pressure on other programs by cutting SNAP. Programs that provide food to school-age children could be directly impacted as a result of the SNAP cuts. The Summer EBT program, otherwise known as SUN Bucks, provides modest assistance to families during the summer breaks to help when school meals are not an option. The amount of benefits is based on the TFP, which would be eroded over the years through this bill. Additionally, schools use a data-linking process to help identify students who participate in CalFresh in order to receive reimbursement for free or reduced-price school meals from the federal government. If students lose their CalFresh status, the state may be on the hook to pay for meals through the universal meals program. As a whole, cuts to SNAP mean that more people will experience food insecurity, which could put pressure on underfunded food banks and other programs, like the Women, Infants, & Children (WIC) program, to help mitigate the harm.

Immigrants

California is home to the largest share of immigrants in the US and immigrants are an integral part of California’s social fabric, pay taxes, and contribute to its economic success. Over half of all California workers are immigrants or children of immigrants, and the more than 2 million Californians who are undocumented make significant contributions to state and federal revenues, contributing $8.5 billion in state and local taxes in 2022, despite their exclusion from most public benefits.

Federal cuts and other harmful policies targeting immigrants will have detrimental effects on families, communities, and the state’s entire economy. The House reconciliation bill would deprive children and families of nutrition and health care, while supercharging an immigration enforcement agenda that threatens constitutional protections. It provides billions in largely unrestricted funds for the Trump Administration’s immigration enforcement agenda and presents a generational threat to democratic rule of law and community safety across the country. Here are some of the major impacts in California.

The House bill would:

  • Increase fear and danger for millions of Californians who are immigrants and their children, as $150 billion in unrestricted funds are directed to immigration enforcement, with detrimental effects on families, communities, and the state’s entire economy. Restrictive and harsh immigration policies negatively impact how immigrants interact with public services and institutions through a “chilling effect,” result in negative health and financial outcomes, and harm key industries like housing, farming and food production, and caregiving. This unprecedented increase in enforcement would also negatively impact US-born workers:  Immigrants generate jobs for US-born workers directly as entrepreneurs and indirectly, as research has shown that for every 13 foreign-born workers who leave the labor force because of direct removals and the chilling effect of deportations, 10 US-born workers lose their jobs.
  • Jeopardize Medi-Cal coverage for certain immigrants, including roughly 218,000 children and 1.4 million adults in California. It would cut federal Medicaid funding to California as a penalty for providing health care to certain groups of immigrants — including people who are undocumented, refugees, asylees, and survivors of domestic violence and sex trafficking — which would result in the state losing $27.5 billion in federal funding from 2028 to 2034 unless California ends this coverage.
  • Take away Medicare from certain groups of immigrants, including refugees, asylees, and some survivors of domestic violence and sex trafficking. Since workers contribute to Medicare through taxes from their paychecks, this exclusion means taking away health care from people who have paid for and earned this benefit (see Health Care section).
  • Bar certain groups of immigrants from qualifying for subsidies that help people afford health insurance in Covered California (see Health Care section).
  • Take SNAP food assistance — CalFresh in California — away from immigrants who are not naturalized citizens or do not hold a green card. This means refugees, asylees, and immigrants who are trafficking survivors or survivors of domestic violence would be excluded from federal nutrition assistance. CalFresh benefits are completely funded by the federal government, so, without state action to ensure access to state-funded benefits, this provision will cut off immigrants from a key tool to providing food on the table for themselves and their families.
  • Create harsh and inequitable tax rules for immigrant filers and their US citizen family members. It would exclude 910,000 US citizen and legal resident children in California from the Child Tax Credit if one or both of their parents do not have Social Security Numbers (SSNs), even though these parents collectively pay billions in state and local taxes every year. It would also prohibit immigrants without SSNs and mixed-status families from receiving tax credits for college students, and would take away Premium Tax Credits — which help people afford health coverage — from immigrants with certain legal statuses, including but not limited to refugees, asylees, and domestic violence and trafficking victims. Additionally, the bill would implement a remittance tax only for immigrant filers on transfers of funds to people in other countries.

The federal government plays a major role in shaping California’s budget, economy, and the well-being of its people.

Refundable Tax Credits

Credits like the Earned Income Tax Credit (EITC) and Child Tax Credit are proven tools for improving economic security among Californians with low and moderate incomes, and they’ve been linked to long-term benefits for children, including better health and school achievement.

The House reconciliation bill aims to take away benefits from millions of families and children, causing profound harm in the short and long term. The bill proposes imposing inefficient administrative burdens on families applying for the EITC, excludes even more families from the Child Tax Credit, and threatens to take away mechanisms meant to streamline tax filing. At the same time, none of these types of requirements are being proposed for the wealthy and corporations set to claim the grossly generous benefits outlined in this same bill. This package has been proposed under the guise of maximizing efficiency. In reality, it enforces exclusionary and ineffective requirements intended to discourage families from accessing public supports for which they are eligible. Here are some of the major impacts in California.

The House bill would:

  • Take the Child Tax Credit away from 910,000 US citizen children and children with legal residency in mixed status families in California by requiring that their parents have a Social Security Number (SSN) for their children to receive the credit, as discussed in the Immigrants section. In addition, the bill permanently excludes children who do not have a SSN. This proposal is particularly harmful to mixed-status families and immigrants who are already ineligible for most public supports.
  • Exclude 2 million children with low incomes in California from a temporary increase in the Child Tax Credit that benefits moderate to higher income families and fails to end the current exclusion of those children from the full credit simply because their families’ income is too low.
  • Put over 1.7 million families in California, including more than 2.8 million children, at risk of losing the EITC due to significant new administrative burdens. By introducing a new precertification system, similar to one previously proven to be inefficient and wasteful, families would be required to apply for a certificate for each qualifying child before they could claim the EITC when filing their taxes. This new system would require more time-consuming paperwork and likely cause eligible families to lose access to the credit.
  • Terminate the IRS Direct File program, taking a free tax filing option away from millions of eligible California taxpayers. This program was successfully piloted in states like California in 2024, and significantly expanded in 2025, following widespread interest in the program. California was planning to integrate its existing free state filing system, CalFile, with Direct File in 2026 to make federal and state tax filing easier for Californians. Eliminating this program would mean many families and individuals will continue losing money paying to file their taxes.
  • Fail to extend enhanced Premium Tax Credits that made Covered California health coverage more affordable (see Health Care section).
  • Exclude many immigrants and their families from tax benefits for which they were previously eligible (see Immigrants section).

Tax Cuts

The House reconciliation bill contains a costly, upside-down tax package that would largely benefit high-income people and corporations, and would be paid for by the historic cuts to health coverage and food assistance that would cause deep harm to millions of Californians.

The tax provisions of the bill are estimated to cost nearly $4 trillion over 10 years — this includes extending the expiring tax cuts enacted in 2017 and adding more tax cuts on top of that. About 44% of the tax benefits would go to the richest 5% of Americans in 2026, while the bottom 20% of Americans would only get around 1% of the benefits — and any tax benefit received by low-income households would largely be offset by cost increases resulting from the bill’s proposed health care and food assistance cuts. Here are some of the major impacts in California.

The House bill would:

  • Give an average tax cut of almost $40,000 to the richest 1% of Californians (fewer than 200,000 households that have incomes of more than about $1 million), while giving the bottom 20% of Californians (representing nearly 4 million households) a cut of only $170 on average in 2026 — an amount that would be wiped out by the cuts to health care and food assistance, as well as the impacts of tariffs on the cost of goods and services.
  • Expand and make permanent a tax break mostly benefiting wealthy business owners. Even under the existing, smaller tax break, millionaires receive more than half of the total benefits.
  • Permanently weaken the federal estate tax so that wealthy people can pass on up to $30 million to their heirs without any taxes. If the 2017 tax law were to expire, this would drop to about $11 million, but instead the bill would continue to allow more wealthy families to pass on tens of millions without paying a cent of tax, further entrenching wealth inequality. In California, only 743 estates were subject to the federal estate tax in 2022.
  • Give corporations more than $160 billion in tax breaks (nationwide) in the near term by rolling back provisions from the 2017 tax law that were intended to help offset the cost of the huge, permanent reduction in the corporate tax rate from 35% to 21% — and adding some new tax breaks as well. Some of these provisions are set to expire in a couple of years — but just like what is happening now, corporations would likely lobby to extend or make those cuts permanent and Congress would oblige.
  • Provide a generous tax break for donors contributing to private school voucher programs, allowing some wealthy donors to make a profit off their donation while depleting revenues for public schools, as discussed in the Education section.

Education

California’s Constitution guarantees free public education from transitional kindergarten through 12th grade. Serving nearly 6 million students, the system is primarily funded by the state and local property taxes and governed by statewide requirements, with local school boards responsible for critical spending decisions. The state also has an extensive postsecondary public education system of colleges and universities, serving more than 2.5 million students. Given the high cost of completing a postsecondary education, many students depend on state and federal aid to afford the high cost of attendance.

The current version of the budget reconciliation package includes proposals that would significantly undermine public education and harm students at every level. For higher education, the reconciliation package slashes access to federal aid by weakening Pell Grants and loan programs, pushing college further out of reach for millions of California students. While PK-12 federal funding would not be impacted through this process, the bill advances a proposal that seeks to expand school vouchers, prioritizing private schools at the expense of public education. This proposal defies the will of California voters, who have consistently rejected school vouchers, and creates a tax giveaway for the wealthy for funneling public dollars into private schools.

The House bill would:

Housing

Safe, affordable housing is the foundation for all families and individuals to thrive. A key tool in financing affordable housing is the federal Low Income Housing Tax Credit (LIHTC) program. Through LIHTC, states award tax credits to developers, who then sell them to financial institutions and other outside investors to help finance the acquisition, rehabilitation, or new construction of rental housing targeted to lower-income households. The House reconciliation bill proposes some positive reforms to LIHTC. However, this progress is eclipsed by the extreme tax cuts and the erosion of anti-poverty programs Californians are entitled to.

The House bill proposes key temporary changes to the LIHTC program for 2025 to 2029, including:

  • A 12.5% allocation increase for three years which increases the amount of LIHTC funding states will receive to support affordable housing projects.
  • Lowering the bond-financing threshold from 50% to 25% which makes the credit more accessible for certain projects. 
  • Designating rural and tribal areas as “Difficult to Develop Areas” which allows an increase in credits that housing developments in these areas can receive.

While these adjustments are important, the bill’s unjustified corporate tax cuts have the potential to undermine these changes. When corporate taxes are lowered, as they were during the first Trump administration, the value of LIHTCs drops because financial institutions have less tax liability to offset. This reduces investor demand and lowers tax credit pricing. When tax credits have a lower value, it makes affordable housing projects harder to finance and often results in delays. It then continues to exacerbate the housing shortage and provides no real or urgent relief to Californians. Meanwhile, corporate landlords with significant real estate holdings are among the corporate interests that stand to benefit from the tax cuts in the reconciliation bill. Ultimately, reforming LIHTC means little if it comes at the cost of slashing corporate tax liability, health care, food assistance, and other basic necessities because families and communities will be left worse off regardless.

Resource Roundup

The Budget Center and our partners have produced a number of key resources that provide additional analyses and details on the impacts of the House reconciliation bill. Select resources are listed below. Please see our Federal Policy page for all federally focused publications and partner resources.

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