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Introduction

Governor Gavin Newsom released a summary of the May Revision to his proposed 2025-26 California state budget on May 14, proposing nearly $12 billion in budget actions to close an estimated 2025-26 deficit ($7.5 billion) and build up the state’s discretionary reserve ($4.5 billion). In contrast, the governor’s January proposal projected a small positive balance after two years of state deficits. The governor’s proposal reflects increased uncertainty as a result of federal policy changes and proposals that are destabilizing economic conditions, resulting in a more negative fiscal outlook for the state.

The $226.4 billion General Fund spending plan would protect some investments made in prior years, but notably proposes $5 billion in harmful cuts, primarily to Medi-Cal, the state’s Medicaid program that provides health care coverage to over 14 million Californians. Those cuts include a series of proposals targeting adult Californians who are undocumented, such as freezing access to Medi-Cal, instituting $100 per month premiums for those currently enrolled, and removing access to long-term care and dental benefits, among other proposals. Other proposed cuts target older adults, people with disabilities, and foster youth — communities, like Californians who are undocumented, that are among the most vulnerable in our state.

The governor’s revised budget also fails to propose any major tax policy changes to increase state revenues to address the shortfall, avoid cuts, and buffer against emerging federal threats, even while federal leaders are preparing to give away more than $4 trillion in tax cuts to high-income households and corporations.

While many of the details are forthcoming, the governor also proposes to partially close the budget gap through borrowing and fund transfers. The governor also proposes future cuts for programs supporting vulnerable Californians including food assistance and support for foster care in 2026-27 if revenues are not adequate.

The governor’s proposal continues to call for drawing down just $7.1 billion in reserves and projects total state reserves at $15.7 billion by the close of 2025-26 to guard against future revenue decline or threats to the state’s fiscal condition.

The governor also maintains his proposed changes to the state’s reserve policies to exempt rainy day fund deposits from the state’s spending cap, commonly known as the Gann Limit, and allow the rainy day fund to grow to 20% of General Fund revenues (up from the current 10% cap). These changes, which would need voter approval, would allow the state to set aside a larger portion of state revenues in the rainy day fund during periods of strong revenue growth.

Even as the governor’s proposal would cut access to health care, it would commit the state to new spending to expand the film tax credit for film studios at a cost that could grow to more than $750 million annually in future years.

WHat is the May Revision?

The May Revision is an update to the governor’s proposed state budget, released by May 14 each year. It includes new estimates for the state’s economy and revenues, updates proposed spending based on the latest information, and may revise, add, or remove policy proposals from the January budget.

The governor’s spending plan protects and maintains some of the progress made in prior budget years to help improve economic security and opportunities for Californians with low incomes and Californians of color, including policy advances in behavioral health, cash assistance (refundable tax credits, CalWORKs, and SSI/SSP), and universal school meals. The proposal also maintains prior commitments to child care, but delays making additional commitments to expanding the system. The governor’s plan leaves out funding to address homelessness and abandons funding for housing programs for Californians with low incomes and affordable housing production as the state faces a growing housing crisis.

Changes to the state’s revenue outlook result in slightly lower estimates for the Prop. 98 minimum funding guarantee for K-12 schools and community colleges compared to January. The governor’s proposal continues to fully fund the completed rollout of universal transitional kindergarten (T-K). In a notable shift from January, the May Revision reduces proposed cuts to CSU and UC from 8% to 3%.

The administration projects that the state prison population will moderately increase in the near term due to the passage of Prop. 36 in November 2024, which increased penalties for certain drug and theft offenses, including by reversing some of Prop. 47’s (2014) sentencing reforms. However, the administration projects that the prison population will resume its long-term decline due to other justice system reforms that remain in effect. As a result, the governor proposes to close one additional state prison by late 2026.

Overall, while the governor’s proposed spending plan protects some of the progress made in earlier years, cutting access to health care and other supports for adult Californians who are undocumented, seniors, and people with disabilities, failing to advance more equitable tax policies, and misguided expansion of tax credits for film studios would weaken the state’s capacity to better help Californians manage our state’s high cost of living and meet basic needs.

With federal leaders poised to extend and expand tax cuts that primarily benefit big corporations and high-income households, offset in part by unprecedented cuts to health care, food assistance, and other vital public supports, state leaders have a responsibility to make our state’s tax system more equitable, protect the economic security and well-being of all Californians, and present a starkly different vision than federal leaders.

This First Look report outlines key pieces of the May Revision and outlines the governor’s priorities in balancing the budget to address a projected shortfall.

Contents

Budget Overview

Health

Housing & Homelessness

Economic Security

Education

Justice System

Climate Change

Webinar

Budget Center experts unpack key insights from the May Revision, including the governor’s broken promise to undocumented Californians, revenue options, and continued federal threats.

Join us for this free, virtual event on May 22 at 1 p.m.

Budget Overview

Economic Outlook Deteriorates, Reflecting Federal Policies and Uncertainty

The administration’s economic outlook projects trends in major economic indicators that affect state tax collections and revenues in the budget. The administration downgrades the state’s economic outlook in the revised budget based on recent federal policies, most notably, the imposition of significant tariffs, including on California’s major trading partners. The administration estimates that California’s average tariff rate has increased from 2.4% last year to 27% as of mid-April and notes that this will have “immediate and broad-reaching impacts affecting nearly all the state’s $500 billion worth of imported goods as of 2024, nearly 12% of its economic output.” As a result, the revised budget:

  • Significantly downgrades its projections of US economic growth, particularly in 2025 when real Gross Domestic Product is expected to increase by just 1.3% — well below the pre-pandemic average growth rate of 2.6%.
  • Significantly revises up its projection of inflation in the US and California, as the cost of tariffs is largely expected to be passed on to consumers in the form of higher prices. The administration expects the California Consumer Price Index to increase by 3.8% in 2025, followed by another 3.5% increase in 2026. 
  • Revises down its projection for job growth, now expecting the state to add just 6,000 jobs per month in 2025 and 3,000 per month in 2026 — substantially below the pre-pandemic average of around 30,000 jobs added per month.
  • Expects the state’s unemployment rate to increase by 0.1 percentage point to 5.4% in 2025 and then to 5.5% in 2026 and 2027.
  • Downgrades its forecast for inflation-adjusted wage and personal income growth in the state.

The revised budget notes that this forecast is based on policies in place as of mid-April and that federal policy uncertainty remains the biggest downside risk to the forecast. In other words, if federal policy choices over the coming weeks and months further weaken the economy, the state’s economic outlook will further deteriorate.

Weakened Outlook and Federal Policies Threaten Californians’ Well-Being

While the administration’s outlook is useful for understanding how economic conditions might impact budget revenues, it’s also important to consider how economic conditions are affecting Californians, who count on programs and services funded by federal and state budgets. Although California is now the fourth largest economy in the world, millions of Californians aren’t sharing in our state’s prosperity. More than 7 million state residents lack the resources to meet basic needs, over half of renters have unaffordable housing costs, and more than 1 in 5 households experience food hardship. Black, Latinx, and other Californians of color disproportionately face these challenges due to centuries of structural racism and long-standing inequities in opportunity that have been structured into budget policies, past and present.

Compounding these challenges, policies being pursued by the Trump Administration and Republicans in Congress will further drive up costs, making it even harder for families and individuals to make ends meet. For example, the Trump Administration’s sweeping tariff policy will add to the economic challenges facing people with lower incomes because tariffs are essentially regressive taxes. Plus, economists have warned that the drastic and chaotic nature of these tariffs could plunge the economy into a recession, exacerbating the economic challenges facing families, workers, and businesses. On top of this, the budget package currently advancing through Congress would slash federal funding for health care, food assistance, and other vital services, jeopardizing the health and well-being of millions of Californians. This includes:

  • Massive cuts to funding for Medi-Cal and efforts to repeal or undermine the Affordable Care Act that would cause Californians to lose health coverage, have fewer benefits, face higher health care costs, and experience more difficulty getting care;
  • The largest cut to SNAP food assistance (CalFresh in California) in history that would put low-income families and individuals at greater risk of hunger by taking away some or all of their food benefits; and
  • Terminating many immigrants’ access to vital programs, including denying Medicare to lawful permanent residents who have worked and paid taxes to support the program, denying SNAP to refugees, asylees, and other humanitarian immigrants, and denying the Child Tax Credit to US citizen children in mixed status families.

Revised Revenue Estimates Downgraded by $5.2 Billion for Three-Year Budget Window

While actual revenue collections for the current (2024-25) and previous (2023-24) fiscal years have been stronger than expected since the January budget proposal, the administration now projects revenues for the upcoming 2025-26 budget year to be $10.5 billion lower relative to the January projections, primarily due to economic and stock market uncertainty stemming from federal actions including President Trump’s tariff policies. This includes downgrades in the projected revenues across all three of the state’s “Big Three” revenue sources — personal income taxes, corporate taxes, and sales taxes.

Across the three-year budget window, state General Fund revenues are now projected to be $5.2 billion lower than the January budget projection, as the improved collections for 2023-24 and 2024-25 offset some of the downgrade in the 2025-26 forecast. This estimate is of a similar magnitude as recent revenue projections from the Legislative Analyst’s Office. Because this estimate only takes into account state-level General Fund revenues, it does not factor in any potential impacts of proposed reductions in funding from the federal government currently being considered in Congress.

The continuing uncertainty in the economic outlook — related to inconsistent tariff policies,  deep cuts to the federal workforce, and threats of mass deportations — poses additional risks to the revenue forecast. While the May Revision does not assume an economic recession during the budget window, the administration estimates that if a mild recession were to occur, the “Big Three” revenue sources could end up being around $14 billion lower across the three-year budget window than the primary estimate.

Governor Maintains January Tax Policy Proposals and Proposes No New Revenue

The Governor’s proposal comes at a time when millions of Californians could be harmed by proposed deep federal cuts to health care, food assistance, and other critical basic needs in order to pay for tax cuts that primarily benefit high-income households and corporations. State leaders have the responsibility to maintain core state services and protect vulnerable Californians who will be most impacted by federal cuts. Policymakers can achieve this by significantly increasing state revenues and ending or reforming inequitable tax breaks that benefit profitable corporations and wealthy people.

However, the governor’s revised budget contains no new revenue proposals. He maintains the tax policy proposals included in the January budget proposal, including expanding the tax break for the film industry by more than doubling the annual film credit allocation from $330 million to $750 million — even while proposing to make cuts to health care and other services for Californians with low incomes (see sections on Health Coverage, Affordability, and Access and Californians with Disabilities and Older Adults).

The administration continues to estimate that the governor’s tax proposals as a whole will increase state General Fund revenues by $186 million in 2025-26. This revenue increase is related to a proposed change to the way banks and other financial institutions are taxed. However, this modest increase may be offset in upcoming years by revenue decreases due to the film credit expansion.

As the details of the harmful federal funding and service cuts become more clear, Californians will be looking to state leaders to protect community members who will be deeply impacted by those policies. Closely scrutinizing state tax breaks and equitably raising state revenue should be part of the solution to mitigate the suffering caused by destructive federal actions without reversing commitments already made to promote health and well-being for Californians.

Governor’s May Revision Maintains Proposal to Withdraw Reserve Funds and Change Reserves Policies

California has a number of state reserve accounts that set aside funds intended to be used for a “rainy day” when economic conditions worsen and state revenues decline. Some reserves are established in the state’s Constitution to require deposits and restrict withdrawals, and some are at the discretion of state policymakers.

California voters approved Proposition 2 in November 2014, amending the California Constitution to revise the rules for the state’s Budget Stabilization Account (BSA), commonly referred to as the rainy day fund. Prop. 2 requires an annual set-aside equal to 1.5% of estimated General Fund revenues. An additional set-aside is required when capital gains revenues in a given year exceed 8% of General Fund tax revenues. For 15 years — from 2015-16 to 2029-30 — half of these funds must be deposited into the rainy day fund, and the other half is to be used to reduce certain state liabilities (also known as “budgetary debt”).

Prop. 2 also established a new state budget reserve for K-12 schools and community colleges called the Public School System Stabilization Account (PSSSA). The PSSSA requires that when certain conditions are met, the state must deposit a portion of General Fund revenues into this reserve as part of California’s Prop. 98 funding guarantee (see section on Prop. 98).

In order to access the funds in the BSA and PSSSA, the governor must declare a budget emergency — an action that was taken in the enacted current-year (2024-25) budget in response to the state’s projected budget deficit.

The BSA and the PSSSA are not California’s only reserve funds. The 2018-19 budget agreement created the Safety Net Reserve Fund, which is intended to hold funds to be used to maintain benefits and services for CalWORKs and Medi-Cal participants in the event of an economic downturn. Additionally, the state has a Special Fund for Economic Uncertainties (SFEU) — a reserve fund that accounts for unallocated General Fund dollars and that gives state leaders total discretion as to when and how they can use the available funds.

The governor’s May Revision projects $15.7 billion in reserves at the end of 2025-26. Specifically, the proposal:

  • Includes a $7.1 billion withdrawal from the BSA and, due to other required adjustments, leaves the remaining BSA balance at $11.2 billion. (This withdrawal was assumed as part of the 2024-25 state budget package.)
  • Projects the PSSSA will have a zero balance, down from an estimated $1.5 billion in the governor’s January proposal due to a reduction in required deposits and a mandatory withdrawal. 
  • Leaves the Safety Net Reserve with a zero balance. (The 2024-25 state budget drained all funds from this reserve.)
  • Projects an SFEU balance of $4.5 billion.

Administration maintains January plan to change reserve policies

The administration also maintains its January proposal to revise the state’s reserve policies under Prop. 2 (2014) and Prop. 4 (1979), which created an arbitrary spending cap known as the Gann Limit. The administration contends that these changes are needed in order to ensure the state can adequately build up reserves during periods of strong revenue growth to offset years of revenue decline.

Under Prop. 2, deposits into any reserve, including the BSA, are counted as expenditures under the spending cap. This means that savings for future budget needs are treated as spending in the year the deposit is made. As a result, in years when revenues are strong, the required deposit into the BSA could put the state at risk of exceeding the spending cap since the deposit is counted as part of the state’s overall expenditures. In order to address this situation, the governor proposes to exempt annual BSA deposits from the spending cap so that they no longer count as spending.

Proposition 2 also set a maximum size of the BSA at 10% of state General Fund revenue. The governor proposes to increase the maximum BSA deposit from 10% to 20% of General Fund revenues to allow state leaders to grow reserves to higher levels during periods when revenues are strong.

State Budget Reserves Explained

See our report, California’s State Budget Reserves Explained, to learn more about the savings accounts policymakers can use to support Californians in times of budget shortfalls.

Health

May Revision Harms Californians’ Health and Access to Care

Access to health care is necessary for everyone to be healthy and thrive. Medi-Cal, California’s Medicaid program, provides free or low-cost health care to over one-third of the state’s population. This program covers a wide range of services to Californians with modest incomes, and many children, seniors, people with disabilities, and pregnant individuals rely on it.

Cuts to Medi-Cal

The governor’s revised spending plan proposes sweeping cuts to Medi-Cal that reverse years of progress toward a more inclusive, equitable health system. These cuts particularly harm undocumented Californians, but also impact low-income individuals across the state, reducing access to essential services, prescription drugs, and health care providers. This marks a major shift away from the state’s commitment to expanding health care access, especially for immigrant communities, seniors, and people with disabilities.

The revised budget includes harmful cuts specifically targeting undocumented Californians, mostly adults ages 19 and older. Some of these cuts may also affect all individuals who are federally ineligible for Medicaid, such as lawful permanent residents during a federal five-year waiting period. Despite the serious consequences of these proposals, the administration failed to clearly define who is included in these categories. When people’s health care is on the line, vague language and ambiguity are not just irresponsible. They are harmful.

The May Revision proposes the following cuts that would primarily impact undocumented Californians:

The governor’s revised budget also includes broader cuts that would affect all Medi-Cal enrollees, including seniors, people with disabilities, and individuals managing chronic health conditions. Specifically, the May Revision proposes to:

The revised budget also includes provider payment reductions and cuts to health care infrastructure that could destabilize the health care system, which already faced a provider shortage. Specifically, the May Revision proposes to:

The revised budget also proposes a series of changes to Medi-Cal’s pharmacy benefits that would affect millions of enrollees. These proposals would undermine access to timely, effective, and affordable treatment. Specifically, the May Revision proposes to:

Federal Threats to Health Care Access

The harmful cuts proposed in the May Revision come at a time when California’s health care system faces serious threats from the federal level. Congressional Republicans are advancing a federal budget proposal that prioritizes tax breaks for corporations and the wealthy while slashing investments in health care. This includes deep cuts to Medicaid and efforts to undermine the Affordable Care Act (ACA), both of which could severely jeopardize access to care for millions of Californians.

Medi-Cal, which provides health coverage to nearly 15 million people and accounts for almost two-thirds (64.4%) of all federal funding flowing through California’s state budget, is particularly at risk. Reduced federal funding would lead to a significant budget shortfall, leaving state leaders with critical decisions about how to protect Medi-Cal and the Californians who depend on it.

In the face of these threats, California leaders should pursue policy solutions that protect and strengthen health care access. This includes reforming the state’s tax system to ensure profitable corporations pay their fair share and eliminating tax breaks that overwhelmingly benefit the wealthiest Californians. These steps would raise the revenue to help support vital health care programs (see tax policy section) and allow California to protect its progress — and its people — from harmful federal actions.

The federal government plays a major role in shaping California’s budget, economy, and the well-being of its people.

Revised Spending Plan Adjusts MCO Tax Spending

Proposition 35, which voters approved in November 2024, significantly changed how state policymakers can use revenue from the Managed Care Organization (MCO) tax. State leaders have historically relied on much of this revenue to reduce or offset General Fund spending on Medi-Cal. While Prop. 35 allows policymakers to continue using a portion of this funding for that purpose, the amount has been reduced and will decrease further starting in 2027.

The revised budget reflects the following MCO tax revenue to offset General Fund spending to support existing Medi-Cal services:

  • $9 billion in 2024-25
  • $4.2 billion in 2025-26
  • $2.8 billion in 2026-27

Compared to the Governor’s January proposal, this is an increase of $1.1 billion in 2024-25 and decreases of $200 million in 2025-26 and $400 million in 2026-27.

The May Revision reflects $804 million in 2024-25, $2.8 billion in 2025-26, and $2.4 billion in 2026-27 for the MCO Tax and Proposition 35 expenditure plan. This includes $1.6 billion across 2025-26 and 2026-27 to support increases in managed care base rates relative to calendar year 2024 for primary care, specialty care, ground emergency medical transportation, and hospital outpatient procedures.

Federal Threats to MCO Tax Revenue

The long-term stability of the MCO tax remains uncertain. Its structure must be periodically approved by the federal government to comply with Medicaid financing rules, and proposed federal changes could severely limit how states use provider taxes to draw down federal funds.

Congressional Republicans are advancing a federal budget proposal that includes deep health care cuts and new limits on provider taxes. These changes could cost California billions in federal funding each year. In addition, the Centers for Medicare & Medicaid Services recently issued a proposed rule that would restrict how states structure provider taxes by targeting a financing mechanism currently used to generate federal Medicaid funds. If finalized, this rule would significantly limit California’s ability to rely on the MCO tax to support Medi-Cal.

These federal policy changes could significantly disrupt California’s ability to generate and allocate MCO tax revenue. These growing risks underscore the need for state leaders to identify more stable, long-term funding sources to protect Medi-Cal and maintain critical health care investments.

Governor’s Revised Budget Sustains Behavioral Health Initiatives

Millions of Californians rely on county services for mental health and substance use treatment, known as behavioral health care. Many of these individuals face housing insecurity, justice system involvement, or child welfare placement. Strengthening the state’s behavioral health system is essential to guaranteeing that every Californian can access the care they need regardless of race, age, gender identity, sexual orientation, or where they live. In recent years, state policymakers have launched various initiatives to transform California’s behavioral health system with the goal of improving access.

Continuing BH-Connect

The governor’s May Revise maintains funding for the launch of California’s Behavioral Health Community-Based Organized Networks of Equitable Care and Treatment (BH-CONNECT), which was announced in his January budget proposal. This multiyear initiative aims to improve access to behavioral health services for Medi-Cal members with significant needs, focusing on children and youth involved in child welfare, people involved in the justice system, and individuals at risk of or experiencing homelessness.

Funding for BH-CONNECT includes $8 billion in state and federal resources over four years. Major components of BH-CONNECT include workforce investments, transitional rent assistance, and support for children and youth in child welfare, among others.

Sustaining Proposition 1 Implementation

Proposition 1, which voters approved in March 2024, is a two-part measure that amended California’s Mental Health Services Act and created a $6.38 billion general obligation bond to fund behavioral health treatment, residential facilities, and supportive housing for veterans and Californians with behavioral health needs.

In 2024, state leaders allocated funding to begin Prop. 1 implementation, including $85 million ($50 million General Fund) for 2024-25 for county behavioral health departments, which provide mental health and substance use disorder services to Californians through Medi-Cal and other programs. The administration maintains their January proposal of an additional $93.5 million total funds ($55 million General Fund) for 2025-26 for Prop. 1 implementation at the county level.

Other Behavioral Health Initiatives Sustained

The governor’s revised budget also continues other behavioral health initiatives that were launched in previous budget agreements, including:

New Behavioral Health Investments

The revised budget also introduces two smaller actions:

  • CalHOPE Warm Line: $5 million from the Behavioral Health Services Fund (BHSF) to support the continuation of the CalHOPE Warm Line — a 24/7 phone line program that offers free, confidential support to Californians — through 2025-26 and beyond.
  • Trainings for ACEs Providers: $2.9 million in total funds (with $1.46 million from the BHSF and $1.46 million from federal funds) to support trainings for Adverse Childhood Experiences (ACEs) providers.

Federal Threats to Behavioral Health

Congressional Republicans are actively pursuing budget cuts that would severely threaten California’s behavioral health services. Medicaid is the largest payer of behavioral health services in the country and makes up a significant portion of counties’ mental health budgets, so cuts to this program at the federal level undermine the ability of state and local governments to provide behavioral health support. Additionally, programs like CalAIM and BH-CONNECT rely on federal waivers to use Medicaid funding for purposes such as housing navigation, and the federal government could choose to let the waivers expire or rescind them. Any funding cuts at the federal level would devastate the ability of hospitals, community centers, and other behavioral health providers in supporting Californians who desperately need help.

Housing & Homelessness

May Revision Continues to Withhold New Funding for Housing Affordability

California is home to over 6 million renter households, more than half of whom face unaffordable housing costs. This burden falls hardest on low-income families with children, older adults on fixed incomes, and working Californians whose wages don’t keep pace with the cost of living. For these Californians, already stretched thin, the high cost of housing makes other basic needs — like food, child care, gas, and medical care — unreachable. Yet these same Californians are once again being left behind in the name of austerity.

The May Revision upholds the administration’s decision to withhold any new or ongoing state investments in affordable housing. Worse, it proposes deeper state funding cuts to already gutted affordable housing programs, including reverting $31.7 million of unexpended General Fund for the Infill Infrastructure Grant Catalytic Program, the Commercial Property Pilot Program, and the 2021 Infill Infrastructure Grant Program that was appropriated in previous years. The revised budget also calls to restructure the Greenhouse Gas Reduction Fund (GGRF), putting at risk the Affordable Housing and Sustainable Communities Program (AHSC) which it currently supports. This program has funded over 20,000 affordable homes near transit, advancing both housing and climate goals.

The Governor did state his support for two housing development-related bills that would create building exemptions to the California Environmental Quality Act which may encourage housing production in certain instances. He also stated his support for a housing and infrastructure bond. However, even if California voters pass the bond in the upcoming election, funding wouldn’t be available until 2027 — while most affordable housing programs will run out of funds by the end of this year.

Efforts to increase housing production through streamlining and coordination are important, but not enough. Policymakers must pair them with ongoing investments in deeply affordable housing and strong tenant protections — such as anti-price gouging laws and rental assistance—to prevent more people from losing their homes.

This is especially urgent now, as federal housing programs could face deep cuts under the Trump Administration. In California, federal housing programs support over 920,000 people but fall far short of meeting demand, and nearly 15,000 California emergency housing choice vouchers will be lost soon without additional funding. While the May Revision does include an increase of $416.6 million one-time Federal Trust Fund to support recovery from natural disasters in 2023 and 2024, these dollars do not holistically address the state’s ongoing affordable housing crisis (see Climate Change section). As the state pulls back its own investments, this will only cause more Californians to face housing instability and homelessness without intentional, sustained action.

May Revision Abandons Funding to End Homelessness in California

California has both the resources and the responsibility to ensure every resident has a stable, dignified place to call home. Last year alone, homeless service providers served over 350,000 Californians experiencing homelessness — demonstrating both the scale of need and the increased capacity of the state’s response systems. This expanded reach was made possible in part by previous one-time state investments that funded critical homelessness prevention and resolution services. However, most of these funds were temporary and are now approaching critical funding cliffs.

Yet despite record numbers of people being served and housed, the Governor’s revised 2025–26 budget includes no new or ongoing state funds to address homelessness, putting hard-won progress at risk and abandoning the state’s most vulnerable residents and the permanent solutions that will solve homelessness.

Instead, the May Revision proposes $4.2 million ($4 million General Fund) in 2025-26, $6.4 million ($6.2 million General Fund) in 2026-27, and $6.2 million ($6.1 million General Fund) in 2027-28 and ongoing to support the reorganization of the Business, Consumer Services, and Housing Agency, which is set to be dissolved by July 2026. This restructuring will establish a new California Housing and Homelessness Agency aimed at improving alignment across housing and homelessness programs.

The Administration also proposes $200 million in Proposition 35 funds over two years to establish Flexible Housing Pools to support Behavioral Health Services Act reforms and Medi-Cal transitional rent benefits (see Proposition 35 Implementation and Behavioral Health sections). While these funds could help unhoused individuals with serious behavioral health conditions secure housing, they fall far short in addressing the broader statewide housing and homelessness needs. Plus, the additional proposed deep cuts to Medi-Cal and eligibility limitations could harm the same Californians these investments are attempting to serve (see Coverage, Affordability & Access section).

Meanwhile, local governments and service providers are bracing for the possibility of severe federal cuts proposed by the Trump Administration, including a 43% reduction in rental assistance, the elimination of key homelessness grants, and the possible loss of more than 15,000 California emergency housing choice vouchers — threatening to push thousands back into homelessness. Without bold, ongoing state investment, policymakers risk reversing progress and deepening a crisis that demands urgent and sustained action to continue supporting the real solutions needed.

Economic Security

Revised Budget Proposes No Changes to Refundable Tax Credits

California’s three refundable income tax credits — the California Earned Income Tax Credit (CalEITC), Young Child Tax Credit, and Foster Youth Tax Credit — provide financial support to low-income Californians, including undocumented workers who file taxes with an Individual Taxpayer Identification Number (ITIN), helping them pay for essentials like housing and food. These state credits are especially vital because they benefit many Californians who are excluded or receive minimal support from the federal EITC and Child Tax Credit (CTC).

California’s credits may become an even more important source of support for families and individuals if legislation that Congressional Republicans are currently advancing is enacted. This legislation would create onerous new processes that will make it harder for families to claim the federal EITC, likely causing eligible families to lose access to the credit. It also would strip the federal CTC from millions of US citizen and legal resident children living in mixed-status families, including an estimated 910,000 children in California. And while this legislation would increase the CTC for children in families with high incomes, it would provide nothing to children in families with low incomes, including about 2 million children in California. In addition to these threats, a recent unprecedented federal threat to taxpayer privacy protections risks making taxpayers afraid to file their taxes, causing them to lose access to vital state and federal tax credit support.

The Governor’s revised budget proposes no changes to California’s refundable state tax credits and maintains the Administration’s January proposal to provide just $10 million for tax credit outreach, education, and free tax preparation grants. These grants help community based organizations provide on-the-ground and online linguistically and culturally competent services to tax filers. This proposed level of funding is down by half from $20 million provided in 2023-24 and $12 million in 2024-25.

Revised Budget Includes Wins for CalWORKs but Cuts to Multiple Foster Youth Programs

Millions of families across the state struggle to afford basic necessities. The California Work Opportunity and Responsibility to Kids (CalWORKs) and foster youth programs help parents feel supported and ensure children are given the opportunity to succeed. Amidst this budget shortfall, this administration’s revised spending plan includes some wins for CalWORKs, while simultaneously proposing millions of dollars in cuts to programs that support foster youth in California.

The CalWORKs program is a critical component of California’s safety net for families with low incomes that helps over 650,000 children and their families with modest cash grants, employment assistance, and critical supportive services. The proposed budget would strengthen CalWORKs by:

  • Granting more flexibility in allowable welfare-to-work activities. The proposal would add goal-oriented activities to help better support the needs of individual parents and would also make Job Club, which provides support for resume writing, interviewing, and other job search activities, optional to align with the needs and various trajectories of individuals. 
  • Reducing the administrative burden on counties by replacing county welfare-to-work reporting requirements with administrative data extracts.
  • Simplifying the process for families to regain assistance after being sanctioned. Currently, families that are sanctioned can face significant and ongoing penalties that affect their ability to meet their basic needs. Reducing the red tape around sanctions can help more families regain access to their full CalWORKs grant.

However, the May Revision proposes cuts to several programs that support foster youth. The revised budget:

Governor Invests in Fighting Child Hunger, Leaves Out Older Adults

California has led the nation in fighting child hunger as the first state to adopt universal school meals in 2022. The governor’s revision builds on this by investing an additional:

  • $90.7 million ongoing Proposition 98 to fully fund the universal school meals program and guarantee each child can access breakfast and lunch at school regardless of their family’s income.
  • $21.9 million ongoing Proposition 98 and $57.5 million General Fund to expand state-match dollars and outreach for the Summer Electronic Benefits Transfer (SUN Bucks) program. This program provides families with low incomes $120 for food for each school-aged child over the summer while they cannot access school meals. 

However, the governor does not propose any additional funding for other core food assistance programs. Instead, the May Revision:

  • Walks back commitment to expanding the California Food Assistance Program (CFAP) to undocumented older adults age 55 and over. The revised budget adds language that would make the expansion contingent on available funding in 2027. Furthermore, the administration also has not put forth any plans to end this exclusion for undocumented Californians under age 55, even while 64% of undocumented Californians are living in or near poverty
  • Fails to invest in CalFood, allowing the funding expansion to expire, which will take the average annual funding California food banks receive down to $8 million from $60 million. The additional funding to food banks has been key in helping them meet more diverse needs and serve more people in need with California-grown food.

Food assistance benefits are already too low and facing significant threats at the federal level. SNAP — known as CalFresh in California — is set to face up to $300 billion in federal cuts with the possible implementation of harmful proposals like shifting costs onto California and expanding time limits for participants. These cuts could impose billions of dollars worth of costs onto the state not accounted for in the May Revision and reduce benefits for the over 5 million Californians who rely on CalFresh.

Revised Budget Fails to Invest in Older Adults and Californians with Disabilities

All Californians deserve to feel included, supported, and treated with dignity in their communities regardless of their age, ability, race, gender, or economic status. However, Californians with disabilities and older adults face significant barriers, with increasing risks of not meeting their basic needs. The May Revision fails to invest in these communities.

Instead, the revised budget:

These cuts and lack of investments coupled with the uncertainty around the California Food Assistance Program (CFAP) expansion to older adults regardless of immigration status (see Food Assistance section) and the devastating cuts to the Medi-Cal program would compound the harm people with disabilities and older adults in California are already experiencing.

Governor’s Revised Budget Fails to Make Clear Progress Toward Rate Reform

California’s child care and development programs administered by the California Department of Social Services (CDSS) are integral for supporting California’s families and child care providers. Despite recent progress (such as increased overall funding, reduced family fees, and new child care provider health and retirement benefits), the child care system is still falling short for both families and child care providers. The number of subsidized child care spaces does not meet demand, meaning that thousands of families face prohibitively high child care costs. Specifically, without access to a child care subsidy, a single mother of an infant and a school-age child in California will spend, on average, 61% of her income on child care. Moreover, California child care provider wages have not kept up with the living wage, pointing to the urgent need for child care provider rate reform. Overall, the May Revision maintains previous commitments but fails to make advancements on provider pay that are needed for an equitable and stable child care system.

The governor’s revised budget:

In light of federal threats, California faces many uncertainties that impact available funding for rate reform. Yet, child care providers face constant worry about their economic stability. Additionally, CCPU shared that in their recent contract negotiations, the state proposed to eliminate their health benefits and cut their retirement plan. Proposed federal cuts to Medi-Cal and CalFresh only exacerbate this proposed cut from the state, underscoring the need to maintain provider benefits and implement a rate structure that pays providers the true cost of care.

Governor Cuts Support for Immigrant Californians

Immigrants and their families are deeply ingrained in the state’s social fabric. They are members of the state’s workforce, pay taxes, attend schools, own businesses, and raise families who invest in local communities. California has the largest share of immigrant residents of any state. Over half of all California workers are immigrants or children of immigrants, and more than 2 million Californians are undocumented, according to estimates. Undocumented immigrants in California make significant contributions to state and federal revenues, contributing $8.5 billion in state and local taxes in 2022, despite their exclusion from most public benefits.

State leaders have made notable progress in recent years working towards a California for all where all people have access to economic opportunity and essential services, regardless of immigration status. In a special session called for by the governor earlier this year, legislators and the governor approved $25 million in funding for legal resources for potential fights with the incoming federal administration plus an additional $25 million to defend immigrants against deportation, detention, and wage theft.

However, the governor’s revised budget marks a significant reversal in working towards a California for all. At a time when the federal government is actively working to dismantle rights and protections for immigrants, it is critical now more than ever that California ensures the safety and well-being of all people, especially undocumented immigrants. Federal deportation policies and restrictions on immigration are not only tearing apart California families, but also threatening the state’s economic vitality, workforce stability, and access to essential services like food, housing, and care.

Instead of providing support to immigrants, the governor’s revised budget does not include any additional funding to protect and support the state’s immigrant communities and instead cuts funding for key programs serving immigrants. Specifically, the 2025-26 revised budget:

Given the actions the federal government has already taken against immigrant communities in California, state leaders should be taking bold action and making investments — not cuts — that ensure all Californians, regardless of immigration status, feel safe and have the resources they need to thrive.

Governor Does Not Provide Needed Support to Domestic and Sexual Violence Survivors

Every Californian deserves to live in a world where they feel safe. However, millions of Californians experience domestic and sexual violence every year — women, transgender, non-binary Californians, and some women of color are most likely to experience this type of violence. 

The state receives federal funding through the Victims of Crime Act (VOCA) to help provide essential services to survivors of crime, including survivors of domestic and sexual violence. These funds help provide survivors with critical services like emergency shelter, counseling, and financial assistance.

However, anticipated cuts to VOCA at the federal level would result in a roughly 45% cut to state grants for organizations that support survivors of crime, decimating the funding of many of these organizations who rely entirely on VOCA funding to provide these critical services. Additionally, the US Justice Department has already cut $811 million in grants, which includes cutting funding to programs providing services to domestic violence survivors.

The governor’s May Revision:

The Budget Center’s essential resources for understanding and navigating the California state budget — all in one place.

Education

Transitional Kindergarten Continues Planned Expansion

The California Department of Education (CDE) hosts two early learning and care programs: Transitional Kindergarten (TK) and the California State Preschool Program (CSPP). CSPP provides preschool to children ages 3 and 4 for families with low to moderate incomes and temporarily to 2-year-olds until 2027 in both school and community-based settings. TK serves 4-year-olds, and eligibility is based on age alone in public schools and is not dependent on family income. Together, CSPP and TK are cornerstones of CDE’s Universal Preschool plan intended to bring more early learning and care options to 3-and 4-year-olds in California. Moreover, TK and school-based CSPP are funded through the state’s Proposition 98 guarantee (see Proposition 98 section). However, as California strives to create a mixed delivery system that centers the needs of families, the administration has the opportunity to spend resources and implement policies in a way that integrates CSPP and TK with the broader early learning system to best support families with young children.

The governor’s revised budget:

Revised Budget Adjusts the Prop. 98 Guarantee Downward

Approved by voters in 1988, Proposition 98 constitutionally guarantees a minimum level of annual funding for K-12 schools, community colleges, and the state preschool program. The Prop. 98 guarantee tends to reflect changes in state General Fund revenues, and revenue estimates consequently update the minimum guarantee funding levels. The 2025-26 revised spending plan reflects downward adjustments in the minimum guarantee estimates and, given changes in revenue, it adjusts required deposits and withdrawals from the Prop. 98 reserve — the state budget reserve for K-12 schools and community colleges. The revised budget also makes changes to the Prop. 98 split between TK-12 and community colleges.

The chart below shows updated projections of the guarantee in the May Revision compared to projections in the January budget proposal and the 2024-25 enacted budget.

Prop. 98 revised estimates and proposed adjustments include the following:

  • The January proposal projected the 2025-26 Prop. 98 guarantee to be $118.9 billion. However, with declining revenue projections, the May Revision now estimates the 2025-26 minimum guarantee at $114.6 billion. This figure reflects a $4.3 billion decrease from the January estimate and is also $1.1 billion lower than the $115.7 billion estimate in the 2024-25 enacted budget. 
  • While revenue projections grew for 2024-25, the Prop. 98 minimum guarantee estimate of $118.9 in the May Revision is slightly lower than the January projection. However, this $118.9 billion still represents an increase of $3.6 over the estimate in the June budget. Along with these updates, the maintenance factor obligation — a required payment as a result of the suspension in 2023-24 — is also likely to be adjusted. Despite this constitutionally required amount, the governor’s revised spending plan maintains a proposal to fund the guarantee at $117.6 billion in 2024-25, $1.3 billion lower. This approach aims to mitigate potential risks associated with revenue volatility by delaying the required amount until the guarantee’s final calculation for that year. 
  • For the 2023-24 fiscal year, the guarantee’s level is maintained at $98.5. Since the guarantee was suspended with the 2024-25 budget, the 2023-24 level does not change.

The revised spending plan also makes an adjustment to a required deposit into the Public School System Stabilization Account (PSSSA) — also referred to as the Prop. 98 reserve. In 2024-25, the required deposit is $540 million, down from an estimated $1.1 billion deposit in January. Also, given the decline in Prop. 98, there’s now a mandatory withdrawal in 2025-26 of $540 million, fully drawing down this reserve (see Reserves section). 

The revised budget also proposes changes to the share of Prop. 98 funds that go to TK-12 schools or the California Community Colleges. This proposal would shift the growth in Prop. 98 for Transitional Kindergarten expansion specifically to TK-12, essentially reducing the Community College’s portion by $492 million.

Revised Spending Plan Largely Maintains TK-12 Programs

The largest share of Proposition 98 funds goes to California’s school districts, charter schools, and county offices of education (COEs), which provide instruction to 5.9 million students in grades kindergarten through 12. Funding flows primarily through the Local Control Funding Formula (LCFF), which provides school districts, charter schools, and COEs a base grant per student, adjusted to reflect the number of students at various grade levels, as well as additional grants for the costs of educating English learners, students from low-income families, and foster youth. Other funds flow through a number of categorical programs such as the Expanded Learning Opportunities Program, special education, and others.

The revised spending plan largely maintains proposals included in the January budget and includes additional one-time and ongoing investments. Specifically, the revised budget:

Revised Budget Scales Back Previously Proposed Initiatives at the Community Colleges

A portion of Proposition 98 funding provides support to the California Community Colleges (CCCs), the largest postsecondary education system in the country, which serves high percentages of students of color and students with low incomes. CCCs prepare more than 1.8 million students to transfer to four-year institutions or to obtain training and employment skills. 

The 2025-26 revised spending plan proposes to support a 2.3% cost-of-living adjustment (COLA) and funding for a higher level of enrollment growth; however, it eliminates and reduces funding previously proposed for other CCC initiatives.

Specifically, the revised spending plan:

Revised Budget Maintains Deferrals for the CSU and UC, Reduces Previously Proposed Cuts

California supports two public four-year higher education institutions: the California State University (CSU) and the University of California (UC). The CSU provides undergraduate and graduate education to nearly 454,000 students at 23 campuses, and the UC provides undergraduate, graduate, and professional education to more than 294,000 students across 10 campuses. 

The 2025-26 May Revision maintains the planned deferral of funding increases to the UC ($240 million) and CSU ($252 million) systems from 2025-26 to 2027-28. This funding was supposed to be part of multi-year investments established through agreements between the administration and the CSU and UC systems in 2022. These agreements (also known as compacts) outlined major goals, including increasing access, improving student success and advancing equity, increasing affordability, improving collaboration among systems of higher education, and supporting workforce preparedness.

The revised spending plan also decreases previously proposed ongoing reductions for both systems. The January budget proposal included a 7.95% cut — $375 million for CSU and $397 million for UC — in ongoing General Fund support for UC & CSU systems beginning in the 2025-26 fiscal year. The May Revision reduces this cut down to $144 million for the CSU and $130 million for the UC, reflecting about a 3% reduction to each of the systems.

Additionally, for the UC system, the revised budget maintains a planned deferral of $31 million General Fund dollars from 2025-26 to 2027-28 that would have supported the UC in increasing the number of resident undergraduate students.

Revised State Budget Adjusts Student Aid as Federal Threats Emerge

Students pursuing postsecondary education often face significant financial hardship, struggling to afford basic necessities while attending college. These challenges can lead to difficult trade-offs that affect their academic experience, delay their progress, or force them to abandon their educational goals entirely. These realities highlight the critical need for state support to ensure students have the resources necessary to complete their degrees.

The May Revision makes several adjustments to programs administered by the California Student Aid Commission. Specifically, the revised spending plan:

While these proposed adjustments will certainly provide needed funds to maintain aid to students, they come at a time of growing federal threats to Pell Grants and student loans. House Republicans outlined a plan to limit Pell Grants — which support low- and middle-income students attending public institutions, including the California Community Colleges, UC, and CSU campuses — and to impose drastic changes to the student loan system, including restricting repayment options and making it more complicated to apply. These proposals could significantly impact students across all segments of California’s public higher education system.

Justice System

May Revision Calls for Closing an Additional State Prison by October 2026

Nearly 90,800 adults convicted of a felony offense are serving their sentences at the state level, down from a peak of 173,600 in 2007. This sizable drop in incarceration is largely due to a series of justice system reforms adopted by state policymakers and the voters since the late 2000s, including Proposition 47, which California voters passed in 2014 (see Prop. 47 investments section).

Despite this substantial progress in reducing incarceration, American Indian, Black, and Latinx Californians are disproportionately represented in state prisons — a disparity that reflects racist practices in the justice system as well as the social and economic disadvantages that communities of color continue to face due to historical and ongoing discrimination and exclusion.

Among all incarcerated adults, most — around 87,600 — are housed in state prisons designed to hold roughly 71,700 people. This overcrowding equals 122% of the prison system’s “design capacity,” which is below the prison population cap — 137.5% of design capacity — established by a 2009 federal court order. California also houses around 3,200 people in facilities that are not subject to the cap, including fire camps, in-state “contract beds,” and community-based facilities that provide rehabilitative services.

The May Revision:

Revised Budget Includes Little Funding to Implement Proposition 36

Last November voters approved Proposition 36, increasing penalties for certain drug and theft offenses. For example, Prop. 36 reversed some of the sentencing reforms put in place by Prop. 47 of 2014 (see Prop. 47 Investments section). In addition, Prop. 36 established a new process allowing prosecutors to charge people with a “treatment-mandated felony” for possession of illegal drugs. Yet, even with the passage of Prop. 36, most of the justice system reforms adopted by state policymakers and voters over the past couple of decades remain in effect.

By increasing punishment for drug and theft crimes, Prop. 36 is creating new costs — including for incarceration, probation, and the courts — at the state and local levels. However, Prop. 36 amounts to a massive unfunded mandate. The measure provides no new revenue to pay for these additional state and local costs — even though Californians were promised that Prop. 36 would provide evidence-based treatment, housing solutions, and programs to increase community health and safety. Instead, Prop. 36 assumes that state and local officials will be able to accommodate the measure’s substantial costs in their already strained budgets.

As a result, state and local leaders face difficult choices about how to pay for the unfunded costs created by Prop. 36 even as they are struggling to close substantial budget deficits for the upcoming fiscal year and beyond.

The May Revision does not include any new state funding to implement Prop. 36 beyond the funds needed to support higher state prison costs. The revised budget increases prison spending by about $29 million in 2025-26 to reflect a larger state prison population due to Prop. 36, according to Department of Finance testimony provided to Senate Budget and Fiscal Review Subcommittee #5 on May 15. However, the May Revision does not propose any new additional state funding to support the service needs and other unfunded costs imposed by Prop. 36 — costs that could easily reach to the low hundreds of millions of dollars each year.

May Revision Projects Steep Drop in Proposition 47 Savings in Coming Years

Passed by voters in 2014, Proposition 47 reduced penalties for six nonviolent drug and property crimes from felonies to misdemeanors. As a result, state prison generally has not been a sentencing option for these crimes. Instead, people convicted of a Prop. 47 offense have served their sentence in county jail and/or received probation.

However, with the passage of Prop. 36 last November, some of Prop. 47’s sentencing reforms have been reversed. Key changes enacted by Prop. 36 as well as their potential impact are described at the end of this section.

How Prop. 47 Savings Are Determined and Allocated

By decreasing state-level incarceration over the past decade, Prop. 47 reduced the cost of the prison system relative to the expected cost if Prop. 47 had not been approved by voters. The Department of Finance is required to annually calculate these state savings, which are deposited into the Safe Neighborhoods and Schools Fund and used as follows:

  • 65% for behavioral health services —  which includes mental health services and substance use treatment — as well as diversion programs for individuals who have been arrested, charged, or convicted of crimes. These funds are distributed as competitive grants administered by the Board of State and Community Corrections.
  • 25% for K-12 school programs to support vulnerable youth. These funds are distributed as competitive grants administered by the California Department of Education.
  • 10% to trauma recovery services for crime victims. These funds are distributed as competitive grants administered by the California Victim Compensation Board.

California Has Allocated $816 Million in Prop. 47 Savings to Date

Since 2016, California has allocated $816 million in state prison savings attributable to Prop. 47. These funds have been invested in local programs that support healing and keep communities safe. For example, research shows that people who received Prop. 47-funded behavioral health services and/or participated in diversion programs were much less likely to be convicted of a new crime. Individuals enrolled in these programs had a recidivism rate of just 15.3% — two to three times lower than is typical for people who serve prison sentences (recidivism rates range from 35% to 45% for these individuals).

May Revision Estimates That $91.5 Million in Prop. 47 Savings Will Be Available to Invest in Local Communities in 2025-26

The May Revision estimates that Prop. 47 will generate an additional $91.5 million in savings due to reduced state-level incarceration — dollars that will be invested in local communities starting in the 2025-26 fiscal year. (These savings are attributable to the 2024-25 fiscal year, but are available for expenditure in 2025-26.) With these additional funds, Prop. 47’s total investment in California’s communities will exceed $900 million, up from the current $816 million.

Prop. 47 Savings Are Projected to Decline Substantially Due to Prop. 36

With the recent passage of Prop. 36, voters increased penalties for certain drug and theft offenses, including by reversing some of Prop. 47’s sentencing reforms (see Prop. 36 section). For example, Prop. 36 allows simple drug possession, petty theft, and shoplifting to be charged as felonies in certain circumstances. Under Prop. 47’s rules, these crimes were generally misdemeanors.

The state prison population is expected to rise in the near term due to the longer sentences allowed by Prop. 36 (see State Corrections section). As a result, the annual savings attributable to Prop. 47 is projected to substantially decline. Budget documents project that annual Prop. 47 savings will decrease from $91.5 million in 2024-25 to $27.1 million in 2026-27 — a drop of $64.4 million (70%) over this two-year period.

In other words, because of Prop. 36, more than $64 million in state funding that would otherwise have supported behavioral health treatment and other critical services over the next two years is expected to be shifted back to the state prison system.

state budget terms defined

What’s the difference between a trailer bill and policy bill? A deficit and an operating deficit? And what exactly is a “Budget Bill Jr.?” Our Glossary of State Budget Terms answers that and more.

Climate Change

Budget Maintains Funding for Wildfire Relief and Recovery

As demonstrated by the devastating wildfires that swept through Los Angeles County earlier this year, as well as other disasters in recent years, Californians are deeply impacted by the effects of climate change. While the climate crisis affects all Californians, communities of color and low-income communities are often hit hardest due to historical and ongoing displacement and underinvestment.

In January, the governor signed legislation to provide over $2.5 billion in wildfire relief to Los Angeles County to help communities hit hard by the disastrous wildfires in the region. This funding included:

  • $2.5 billion for response and recovery efforts, including support for emergency protective measures, evacuations, and sheltering for survivors;
  • $4 million to expedite rebuilding homes in local communities; and
  • $1 million to rebuild local schools damaged by the wildfire.

In April, the governor signed into law “early action” legislation to use some of the funding approved in January as well as funding approved by voters in November through Proposition 4 for wildfire relief and prevention. This included:

  • Appropriating $181 million in Prop. 4 bond funds for wildfire prevention and resilience, including $170 million to conservancies for forest vegetation and management and $10 million to the Department of Forestry and Fire Protection to fund a tribal fire resiliency center.
  • Authorizing the Department of Finance to use funds approved in January to increase funding for unmet response and recovery needs from damage caused by the wildfires.

The governor’s May Revise maintains previously appropriated funding for relief to Los Angeles County from the wildfires suffered earlier this year. Additionally, the May Revise:

  • Includes an increase of $416.6 million to support recovery from natural disasters. These funds will be available to the Department of Housing and Community Development and reflect available federal dollars for recovery efforts from natural disasters in 2023 and 2024 (see Housing section).

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Access to affordable health care, housing, and nutritious food is necessary for all Californians to thrive. But Republican federal budget proposals would pave the way for deep and harmful cuts that would take health coverage, nutrition assistance, and other essentials away from millions of Californians who are already struggling to make ends meet in the face of persistently high inflation and the high cost of living. These cuts would increase poverty and hardship, widen race and ethnic inequities, and make it harder for workers to maintain their jobs in exchange for funding huge tax giveaways for the wealthy. 

This resource shows how many residents in each of California’s congressional districts benefit from vital programs at risk of being cut to illustrate the potentially wide-reaching impact cuts could have in communities across the state.

Health Care and Nutrition Assistance Programs

Health Care

Medi-Cal saves lives. It’s a lifeline that provides free or low-cost health coverage for nearly 15 million Californians — over one-third of the state’s population — including children, pregnant individuals, seniors, and people with disabilities. Cutting Medi-Cal funding would mean taking critical care away from residents who need it the most in every congressional district in the state. Without access to health coverage, Californians will face impossible choices that put their health and economic security at risk while also driving up long-term costs for the state. Communities that would be particularly harmed by cuts include those in CA-22 (Valadao), where 67% of residents are enrolled in Medi-Cal, as well as in CA-21 (Costa) and CA-13 (Gray), where roughly 60% of residents or more are enrolled.

What is medi-cal?

Medi-Cal, California’s Medicaid program, provides free or low-cost health care to over one-third of the state’s population. This program covers a wide range of services to Californians with modest incomes, and many children, seniors, people with disabilities, and pregnant individuals rely on it.

Nutrition

CalFresh nutrition assistance helps over 5 million Californians each month, including workers with low-paying jobs, buy the food they need to support their households. It brings billions of federal dollars into the state each year that Californians spend in their communities helping to boost local businesses and jobs. In early 2023, CalFresh kept 1.1 million state residents out of poverty, reducing California’s poverty rate by 3 percentage points, according to the Public Policy Institute of California. Cutting CalFresh funding would increase poverty and hunger, making it harder for residents in every California congressional district to maintain their jobs, and hurting local businesses as families spend less on groceries. Cuts could also reduce students’ access to free meals at school, putting additional pressure on family budgets. Note that data for small business owners refers to the use of CalFresh and Medi-Cal, given the compounding effects of these threats for many Californians. Communities that would be especially harmed by cuts include those in CA-21 (Costa) and CA-22 (Valadao), where more than one-quarter of residents benefit from CalFresh.

What is calfresh?

CalFresh — California’s name for the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP) — is the state’s most powerful tool to fight hunger. CalFresh provides modest monthly cash-like assistance to over 5 million Californians with low incomes to purchase food.

Income Assistance Programs

Income

Income supports like CalWORKs and SSI help Californians with very low incomes, including people who are blind and individuals with disabilities, pay the rent and buy essentials for their families, like diapers and school supplies. These and other safety net supports lifted 3.2 million Californians out of poverty in early 2023, according to the Public Policy Institute of California. Cutting vital income supports would increase poverty and hardship for low-income families with children, seniors, and disabled children and adults. Cuts would also reduce the spending power of residents in every California congressional district, hurting local businesses and the local economy. Districts that would be particularly harmed by cuts to CalWORKs include CA-21 (Costa), CA-22 (Valadao), and CA-20 (Fong), and those especially harmed by cuts to SSI include CA-37 (Kamlager), CA-21 (Costa), and CA-22 (Valadao).

what is calworks?

The California Work Opportunity and Responsibility to Kids (CalWORKs) program, California’s TANF program, is a core component of California’s safety net for families with low incomes. The program helps over 650,000 children and their families, who are predominantly people of color, with modest cash grants, employment assistance, and critical supportive services.

what is ssi?

The Supplemental Security Income (SSI) program is a critical lifeline that assists over 1 million low-income individuals with disabilities and adults age 65 or older in California by covering expenses such as housing, food, and other essential living costs. California provides a modest supplement to SSI recipients with its own state-funded State Supplementary Payment (SSP) program.

Refundable Tax Credit Programs

Refundable Tax Credits

Credits like the Earned Income Tax Credit (EITC) and Child Tax Credit (CTC) are proven tools for improving economic security among Californians with low and moderate incomes, and they’ve been linked to long-term benefits for children, including better health and school achievement. Cutting these credits would take away income that families in every California congressional district count on to make ends meet, reducing their spending power and hurting local businesses and the economy. Districts that would be especially harmed by cuts to the CTC include CA-22 (Valadao), CA-21 (Costa), and CA-13 (Gray), where more than one-third of residents currently benefit from the credit, and CA-22 (Valadao), CA-21 (Costa), and CA-25 (Ruiz), where one-quarter or more residents benefit from the EITC.

In sharp contrast, the tax breaks Republican leaders want to provide through the budget will overwhelmingly enrich millionaires and billionaires, potentially providing a tax break of $72,800 to California’s richest 1%, who have incomes of roughly $1 million or more. This means just a sliver of the population in California’s congressional districts will reap the majority of the benefits of federal budget proposals, including just 0.14% of tax filers in CA-33 (Aguilar) and 0.16% of those in CA-23 (Obernolte) and CA-22 (Valadao) – roughly 500 tax filers in each of those three districts.

What is the eitc?

The Earned Income Tax Credit (EITC) is a federal tax credit that provides hundreds to thousands of dollars as a tax refund to about 2.5 million working families and individuals with low or moderate incomes in California. Families mostly use the EITC to pay for necessities such as food and housing, and the credit lifts millions of people out of poverty across the US each year.

what is the ctc?

The Child Tax Credit (CTC) is a federal tax credit that provides up to $2,000 per child to about 4.6 million families in California. When the credit was significantly increased and expanded to families with low incomes for one year during the pandemic it cut the US child poverty rate to an historic low and substantially reduced California’s child poverty rate.

Early Care and Education

Subsidized early care and education programs allow parents with low incomes to work or go to school, feeling secure that their children have a safe space to learn and grow. However, early care and education programs in California remain unaffordable for many families across the state. For example, a single mother in California with an infant and a school-age child will spend 61% of her income on child care. Additionally, only 14% of California’s children eligible for state-administered child care actually receive care due to inadequate state and federal funding.

The federal Head Start, Early Head Start, Migrant/Seasonal Head Start, and American Indian/Alaska Native Head Start (collectively, Head Start) programs provide critical early care and education for more than 73,000 children ages zero to 5 for families living in poverty in California, plus homeless, foster, and disabled children. Federal Head Start funding flows directly to local programs and is not a part of state-administered subsidized child care programs. Given the tremendous gap in the number of children eligible and the number of children enrolled in state-administered programs, Head Start provides a lifeline for families with low incomes looking for affordable child care. Additionally, the California Department of Social Services administers a child care program for CalWORKs participants called “Stage 1.” Stage 1 CalWORKs child care helps a family access immediate child care as the parent/guardian participates in the CalWORKs program. The Stage 1 CalWORKs child care program is funded through federal Temporary Assistance for Needy Families (TANF) dollars and serves over 53,000 children in California.

Without Head Start and CalWORKs Stage 1 child care, thousands more families in California would be stuck on child care waiting lists, making it even harder for them to make ends meet. This strain not only burdens families but also negatively impacts the state’s economy by reducing workforce participation and spending as parents struggle to find affordable child care options. Early care and education programs also provide an economic benefit for the community. For example, research shows that every one dollar invested in Head Start generates at least seven dollars in benefits.

Districts that would be particularly harmed by cuts to Head Start programs include CA-13 (Gray), CA-21 (Costa), CA-22 (Valadao), CA-31 (Cisneros), and CA-52 (Vargas).

Housing

Safe, affordable housing provides the foundation for families and individuals to thrive, supporting strong communities, better health, career and educational success, and economic mobility. However, California’s housing shortage, combined with wages that have not kept pace with the cost of living, forces millions into economic hardship and unstable housing situations. More than half of all California renters struggle with unaffordable housing costs, leaving them vulnerable to financial crises, displacement, and even homelessness.

High housing costs push Californians out of their homes and communities while stretching budgets so thin that basic necessities like food, child care, gas, and medical expenses become out of reach. Federal housing programs—such as rental assistance, homelessness prevention and mitigation, and affordable housing development—support Californians in every congressional district by helping people pay rent, secure stable homes, and stay in their communities. In California, federal housing programs support 920,437 people and 507,463 households. Still, these programs don’t meet the demand—Housing Choice Vouchers, for example, reach only 1 in 4 eligible households, leaving many without the support they need. Since housing programs are not entitlements, limited funding leaves many without support even though they qualify, and further cuts could put even more Californians at risk of losing their homes. Districts where renters face particularly high rental costs compared to their income include CD-27 (Whitesides), CA-29 (Rivas), CA-33 (Aguilar), CA-49 (Levin), and CA-51 (Jacobs).

The federal government plays a major role in shaping California’s budget, economy, and the well-being of its people.

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key takeaway

Republican federal budget proposals would significantly widen California’s already extreme income inequality by slashing essential programs like Medi-Cal and CalFresh while delivering massive tax breaks to the wealthy. State leaders must take action to protect Californians by preventing harmful cuts.

The gap between the rich and poor in California is vast, and the majority of Californians believe this is a problem that policymakers should address. However, Republican federal budget proposals would significantly widen inequities by taking health care, nutrition assistance, and other essentials away from millions of people to fund massive tax breaks for the wealthy. These proposals would also deepen racial and ethnic inequities, with cuts falling hardest on Californians of color and tax benefits predominantly enriching white Californians.

California’s leaders should do everything possible to combat inequality and protect their communities from these federal threats by first working to prevent or mitigate harmful cuts, while also developing strategies to protect their communities if those cuts are enacted. State policymakers can safeguard essential services if they equitably raise new state revenue by ending costly tax breaks that further enrich the wealthy and corporations who will be the primary beneficiaries of federal tax cuts.

California’s Stark Income Inequality

While millions of Californians struggle to afford food, housing, and other necessities as the state’s affordability crisis worsens, a tiny sliver of the population enjoys extreme income and wealth. The richest 0.1% of Californians had an average income of $12.9 million in 2022 (the most recent year for which data are available) — about 250 times the average income of middle-income Californians ($51,300). The top 0.1% earn in just over a day what the average middle-income Californian makes in an entire year. The richest 1% of Californians, with an average income of $2.6 million in 2022, can make in about one week what the average middle-income Californian earns in a year.

Collectively, the richest 0.1% of Californians — nearly 17,500 households — have more income than the roughly 3.5 million households in the middle fifth. In other words, a population roughly the size of the city of Los Angeles is out-earned by a group small enough to fit inside a sports arena. Specifically, the top 0.1% had 12% of all income reported for state tax purposes in 2022, while the middle fifth had 9% of all income. Altogether, the richest 0.1% of Californians reported about $226 billion in income for state tax purposes that year.

Corporate Profit Growth Far Outpaces Workers’ Wage Increases

Corporations have seen skyrocketing profits in recent years, but these gains have failed to trickle down to the workers who help make those profits possible. California corporate profits reached $365 billion in 2022, reflecting a 133% increase since 2002 in inflation-adjusted terms. In contrast, the typical Californian’s earnings have barely kept up with inflation. Median annual earnings for a full-time, year-round worker rose by just 8% during that period, after accounting for inflation. While data on California profits after 2022 is not yet available, corporate profits nationally have continued to rise.

Corporations with state profits of at least $10 million — which represent just around 0.5% of all profitable corporations in the state — saw their profits in California more than double from 2017 to 2022, soaring from $113 billion to $220 billion. In contrast, Californians’ purchasing power declined during this period due to high inflation, a phenomenon that some researchers suggest has been amplified by corporations keeping prices high even as their costs declined following pandemic-era cost spikes due to supply chain issues. Households with low incomes have been hit hardest by inflation because prices have risen more for necessities that make up a larger share of their spending.

Republican Federal Budget Proposals Would Worsen Income Inequality

Proposed federal budget and tax cuts would greatly exacerbate the already stark inequalities in the state by slashing assistance that helps millions of Californians meet their basic needs while extending and potentially expanding tax breaks that primarily benefit wealthy people and corporations.

While the details of these cuts have yet to be determined, the budget resolution passed by Congress in April instructs the House committee with jurisdiction over Medicaid (Medi-Cal in California) to make cuts on of at least $880 billion over ten years and instructs the committee with jurisdiction over the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP, known as CalFresh in California) to make cuts of at least $230 billion. These cuts would be roughly equal to the share of the proposed tax cuts that would go to the richest 1% of Americans. Federal cuts could also target other programs that help people meet their basic needs, such as income support for families, older adults, and people with disabilities.

what is medicaid?

Medicaid, known as Medi-Cal in California, provides free or low-cost health coverage for nearly 15 million Californians — over one-third of the state’s population — including children, pregnant individuals, seniors, and people with disabilities. Cutting Medi-Cal funding would mean taking critical care away from residents who need it the most.

what is snap?

SNAP, known as CalFresh in California, provides modest monthly assistance to over 5 million Californians with low incomes to purchase food. Proposals to cut this powerful anti-poverty program and implement harsh work requirements would make it harder for millions of people with low incomes to put food on the table. 

Families with low incomes would be worse off, while wealthy households would get a windfall if Congress makes the deep cuts to Medicaid and SNAP included in the budget resolution instructions for the House and extends provisions of the 2017 federal tax law. Specifically, the top 1% of Americans would gain $43,500 a year on average while the bottom fifth of Americans would lose $1,125 annually from the combined impact of the deep cuts to Medicaid and nutrition assistance and the extension of  the 2017 tax law that mainly benefits wealthy people and corporations. In California, the reduction in Medi-Cal benefits alone could be akin to losing $1,948 in income, or about 8.7% of the average income of the bottom fifth of households.

Republican Federal Budget Proposals Would Worsen Racial Inequality

Proposed cuts to Medicaid (Medi-Cal) and SNAP (CalFresh) paired with massive tax breaks for the wealthy would also widen already stark racial inequities both nationally and in California.  Cuts to health and food assistance would overwhelmingly harm Californians of color, who are more likely to benefit from these programs due to the long legacy of racist policies and practices that have excluded them from income and wealth-building opportunities. About 8 in 10 Californians who are enrolled in Medi-Cal are people of color, including 57% who are Latinx, 12% who are Asian, 7% who are Black.1Center on Budget and Policy Priorities analysis of US Census Bureau, American Community Survey data 2022-23. Latinx includes all individuals who identify as Latinx, regardless of race. 20% of Medi-Cal enrollees are white (not Latinx), while another 5% are multiracial or identify with another race not elsewhere specified. More than 7 in 10 Californians who head households enrolled in CalFresh are people of color, including 43% who are Latinx, 13% who are Asian, and 11% who are Black.2Center on Budget and Policy Priorities analysis of US Census Bureau, American Community Survey data 2022-23. Latinx includes all individuals who identify as Latinx, regardless of race. 27% of CalFresh heads of household are white (not Latinx), while another 5% are multiracial or identify with another race not elsewhere specified. In contrast, because racial income and wealth gaps are already vast due to centuries of structural racism, any tax policy that redistributes benefits to people with high incomes or wealth will disproportionately benefit white people. Nationally, in 2018 white households received 80% of the benefits of federal tax cuts enacted during the first Trump Administration even though they comprised 67% of households. In addition, research finds that white households generally receive 88% of the benefits of any corporate tax break, while Black and Latinx households receive just 1%.3This excludes the share of benefits of corporate tax breaks that go to foreign investors.

Federal Republican Tax Proposals Would Provide a Massive Windfall for the Wealthy

The details on what tax cuts will ultimately be included in the federal budget package is still uncertain, but the centerpiece will be extending or making permanent all or most of the provisions of the 2017 tax law enacted in the first Trump administration that are set to expire at the the end of 2025. Republican leaders are also considering additional tax cuts on top of extending the expiring provisions.

Republican Federal Budget Proposals Would Widen Inequality in Every California Congressional District

Across California, the federal budget and tax cuts would represent a large upward redistribution of resources from families already struggling with the costs of living to the wealthy who barely notice when the cost of essentials increases. Millionaires, who stand to benefit most from the proposed tax cuts, represent just between 0.2% and 2.8% of residents in each of California’s Congressional Districts. In contrast, large shares of residents in these districts could be harmed by cuts to Medi-Cal or CalFresh. In the majority of California’s districts, at least one-third of residents receive critical health coverage through Medi-Cal. Half to two-thirds of residents in 10 districts rely on Medi-Cal for health care. Additionally, at least 10% of residents in most districts count on CalFresh to buy groceries, with at least 20% using CalFresh to feed their households in eight districts.

State Leaders Should Protect Californians From Increased Hardship and Inequality

Policymakers should invest in the well-being of everyday people, not just the wealthy. But federal Republicans are pushing forward with plans to slash health care and other vital services that millions of people count on every day — all to further enrich the top 1%. These proposals would widen the already extreme income inequality in California, deepening racial and ethnic inequities and making it even more difficult for all Californians to prosper. State leaders should do everything they can to protect their communities from these threats, including ending costly tax breaks that further enrich the wealthy and corporations who will reap the majority of the benefits of these federal proposals. This would allow California to equitably raise new state revenue to shield communities from federal threats this year and beyond and safeguard essential services that promote the health and economic well-being of all Californians.

The federal government plays a major role in shaping California’s budget, economy, and the well-being of its people.

  • 1
    Center on Budget and Policy Priorities analysis of US Census Bureau, American Community Survey data 2022-23. Latinx includes all individuals who identify as Latinx, regardless of race. 20% of Medi-Cal enrollees are white (not Latinx), while another 5% are multiracial or identify with another race not elsewhere specified.
  • 2
    Center on Budget and Policy Priorities analysis of US Census Bureau, American Community Survey data 2022-23. Latinx includes all individuals who identify as Latinx, regardless of race. 27% of CalFresh heads of household are white (not Latinx), while another 5% are multiracial or identify with another race not elsewhere specified.
  • 3
    This excludes the share of benefits of corporate tax breaks that go to foreign investors.

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key takeaway

TK enrollment in California has doubled since 2021-22, with growth across all student groups and high-poverty schools. To ensure all children benefit, the state must address disparities in access for students of color and those from low-income families.

Early childhood education is foundational for young children’s development and their long-term outcomes, and preschool programs provide essential opportunities for 3- and 4-year-olds.1For example, see “Predictor: Access to Preschool,” Urban Institute (webpage), accessed March 1, 2025, https://upward-mobility.urban.org/framework/education/preschool Recognizing the importance of early learning, California policymakers chose in 2021 to embark on a significant expansion of Transitional Kindergarten (TK), a specialized preschool program for 4-year-old children offered at public schools. To ensure this expansion benefits all children, it is crucial to track participation for student groups that have historically faced barriers, namely students of color and those from families with low incomes, as the challenges these students face may continue throughout their education. Given these ongoing patterns of inequity, this report highlights TK enrollment trends from 2021-22, before the age-eligibility expansion began to 2023-24, the second year of expansion and the most recent data available for these student groups.

Enrollment Increased Across All Race and Ethnicity Groups

TK enrollment has grown substantially across all racial and ethnic groups between the 2021-22 and 2023-24 school years. Overall enrollment increased by 101%, from 75,410 to 151,336 students. In 2023-24, TK enrolled 59% of eligible four-year-olds in California. While all student groups experienced significant growth, the percentage growth varied. Multi-racial students experienced the highest percentage growth (130%), followed by Asian students, who also had substantial increases (117%). Latinx students had the highest enrollment number in both years, 42,702 in 2021-22 and 83,362 in 2023-24, reflecting a percentage increase of 95%. American Indian or Alaska Native students had the lowest enrollment numbers (314 in 2021-22 and 571 in 2023-24) and the smallest percentage growth (82%).

Moving forward, the state should track take-up rates among the groups with the lowest percentage growth, including  American Indian or Alaska Native, Latinx, and Black students. Additionally, ensuring equitable access to TK will require a focus on understanding and addressing potential barriers to participation among these students.

High-Poverty Elementary Schools Have Significantly Increased Their Enrollment

Elementary schools with higher poverty levels had the largest increases in TK enrollment between 2021-22 and 2023-24. Growth in the number of students varied across schools by their overall share of students eligible for Free and Reduced Price Meals (FRPM), a proxy to identify students from low-income families.2Free and reduced-price meal eligibility (FRPM) is a measure of need based on poverty levels that the state uses as a proxy to identify students from families with low incomes. Children from households with incomes below 185 percent of the federal poverty level are considered eligible. Eligibility is based on household size and income; for example, for the 2024-25 school year, a student in a household composed of three members with an annual income at or below $47,767 would be deemed eligible and counted as low income. Complete household size and income scale: https://www.cde.ca.gov/ls/nu/rs/scales2425.asp Schools in the highest FRPM category (76-100%) grew their enrollment by nearly 30,000 students, compared to about 10,000 students in schools with the lowest share of FRPM-eligible students (0-25%). The differences are primarily because there are far more schools in the highest FRPM category (1,982) than in the lowest (409).

Elementary schools in higher-poverty areas also had a significant increase in new TK programs. The following table displays the number of schools that added new TK programs — those that did not have any TK enrollment in 2021-22 — by FRPM categories. As shown in the table, 387 schools in the 76-100% FRPM category initiated new TK programs compared to 151 in the lowest FRPM category (0-25%). This shows that expansion efforts have primarily supported high-poverty schools by enabling them to establish and offer TK programs. 

A higher share of children from low-income families participate in TK. Due to the lack of publicly available data, it is challenging to accurately determine the exact number of low-income children enrolled in TK.3The California Department of Education does not publicly report counts of students eligible for FRPM by grade level. The following table displays the estimated number of students from low-income families in TK, calculated based on the overall proportion of FRPM-eligible students at each elementary school. The estimate reveals that 90,754 children from low-income families are enrolled in TK, representing 64% of total enrollment.4Only schools classified as “public elementary schools” are included in this estimate. The increasing role of TK in supporting low-income families also highlights the need to monitor how families utilize the program and address any potential barriers.

Overall, TK enrollment has expanded significantly, with substantial growth across all racial and ethnic groups and a notable increase in TK programs in high-poverty schools. These trends demonstrate TK’s growing role in providing early learning opportunities to more children. However, more research is needed to understand local challenges. For example, TK uptake rates from 2021-22 to 2023-24 show faster growth in low-poverty schools (79%) compared to high-poverty schools (58%), suggesting potential barriers to access that warrant further investigation to ensure equity.

To build on this significant progress, the state should prioritize equity by addressing disparities in growth and ensuring that all children, particularly those from low-income families and children of color, can benefit from TK. This includes assessing and strengthening how the broader mixed delivery preschool system supports children and their families. By focusing on these areas, the state can continue to expand access to early learning opportunities, ensuring that children from low-income families have the strong foundation they need to succeed in school and beyond.

  • 1
    For example, see “Predictor: Access to Preschool,” Urban Institute (webpage), accessed March 1, 2025, https://upward-mobility.urban.org/framework/education/preschool
  • 2
    Free and reduced-price meal eligibility (FRPM) is a measure of need based on poverty levels that the state uses as a proxy to identify students from families with low incomes. Children from households with incomes below 185 percent of the federal poverty level are considered eligible. Eligibility is based on household size and income; for example, for the 2024-25 school year, a student in a household composed of three members with an annual income at or below $47,767 would be deemed eligible and counted as low income. Complete household size and income scale: https://www.cde.ca.gov/ls/nu/rs/scales2425.asp
  • 3
    The California Department of Education does not publicly report counts of students eligible for FRPM by grade level.
  • 4
    Only schools classified as “public elementary schools” are included in this estimate.

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key takeaway

California is expanding Transitional Kindergarten to all four-year-old children by 2025-26, supported by state investments to improve access, staffing, and equity in public preschool programs.

Early learning is foundational for young children’s development, and preschool programs provide essential opportunities for 3- and 4-year-olds. Recognizing this, in 2021, California policymakers embarked on a significant expansion of Transitional Kindergarten (TK), a specialized preschool program for 4-year-old children offered at public schools. This ambitious expansion is backed by substantial state investment, reflecting a commitment to broaden access to preschool education. To support the multi-year plan, the state has allocated billions of dollars in one-time and ongoing funding. Through these investments, TK will be universally available to all four-year-old children in California by the 2025-26 school year.

How Policy Decisions Shaped the Expansion of Transitional Kindergarten

The TK program has been in place since 2012.1Senate Bill 1381 (Simitian, Chapter 705, Statutes of 2010), https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=200920100SB1381 Its original purpose was to provide preschool education for four-year-old children who, based on the month they were born, were no longer eligible to enroll in kindergarten after the state adjusted the age cutoff for kindergarten admission — creating TK also allowed school districts to continue claiming Average Daily Attendance (ADA) for these students.2SB 1381 (Simitian) Essentially, this policy change prevented four-year-olds from being admitted to kindergarten if they turned five later in the year after enrolling in kindergarten.3Assembly Committee on Education analysis of Senate Bill 1381 (Simitian), June 1, 2010, https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billAnalysisClient.xhtml?bill_id=200920100SB1381# After a gradual implementation of this policy, during the 2014-15 school year, four-year-old children had to turn five on or before September 1st to be admitted into kindergarten. At the same time, certain four-year-olds no longer eligible for kindergarten were admitted into TK. Specifically, from 2014-15 until 2022-23, four-year-old children were eligible for TK if they had their fifth birthday between September 2nd and December 2nd.

In 2021-22, state leaders initiated another multi-year policy through the state budget to significantly grow the TK program, implementing a five-year plan that gradually increases age eligibility based on the month a child was born.4This expansion is part of a broader initiative, Universal PreKindergarten (UPK), aimed at bringing together preschool programs to ensure all children have access to early learning experiences the year before they start kindergarten. The increase in eligibility is primarily backed by allocating additional funding to school districts to implement the expansion. By the end of the expansion plan, in 2025-26, the program will be open to all four-year-old children who turn four by September 1.

The State Has Invested Billions of Dollars to Support Transitional Kindergarten

To carry out the expansion plan, state leaders agreed to provide the needed resources to initiate the expansion and sustain the program going forward. So far, the state budget has provided a mix of both one-time and ongoing resources. Those are outlined below:

  • One-time resources have been allocated to build foundational elements of the program. The state has provided more than $1 billion since 2021-22 in one-time dollars for TK planning and implementation grants, facilities, and efforts to support the preschool teacher workforce — some of this funding was also available to support the California State Preschool Program (CSPP) and kindergarten.
  • The state is increasing ongoing funding for TK to accommodate the substantial growth in attendance resulting from the expansion. TK is supported by the Local Control Funding Formula (LCFF), which uses attendance to generate funding allocations to school districts (more details are provided in the “How Proposition 98 and the LCFF Support Transitional Kindergarten” section below). As of 2024-25 the state has provided an estimated $1.4 billion to account for the growth in attendance — this number tends to change when districts update and report their attendance numbers throughout the school year. Under current attendance projections the state would provide an additional $876 million in 2025-26, which would mark full expansion of the program. Attendance projections in prior years have overestimated TK uptake and attendance. Therefore, for 2025-26, the projected funding may be lower than currently proposed once attendance is collected and reported.
  • The state is increasing ongoing funding to improve staffing ratios in TK. As shown in the chart, an estimated $517 million has been allocated in 2024-25 to maintain a 1:12 adult-to-student ratio in TK classrooms. The 2025-26 budget proposes an additional $952 million to reduce ratios to 1:10, which would grow to a total of nearly $1.5 billion for this purpose. These dollars help maintain current staffing levels and would bring thousands of additional teachers and instructional aides to TK classrooms.5Districts that fail to meet staffing ratios face penalties that result in loss of funding. There are also penalties for not meeting class size requirements or teacher education requirements.

California has dedicated significant funding to schools to support the expansion of TK, including resources for planning grants, staffing, and attendance growth. This investment has facilitated substantial enrollment growth. However, realizing the full potential of this expansion requires addressing several key challenges. Securing and retaining a qualified TK workforce is essential, as staffing challenges could hinder the program’s effectiveness. Additionally, a continued focus on equitable access and consistent student attendance, particularly among low-income families is crucial. By addressing these key areas, California can maximize the impact of its investments and ensure four-year-olds benefit from this expansion.

Proposition 98 and the Local Control Funding Formula

How do state resources support TK expansion?

TK is funded through the LCFF, the same mechanism that funds K-12 grades. Funding for LCFF originates from Proposition 98, which guarantees a minimum annual funding amount for TK-12 schools and community colleges. The state fulfills this guarantee using General Fund dollars and local property taxes.

To support the growing costs of TK expansion, policymakers have gradually increased the Prop. 98 minimum guarantee. This adjustment, driven by increased student attendance through the LCFF, results in a larger share of state revenue being dedicated to education. This process of adjusting Prop. 98 is commonly known as “rebenching.” The chart below illustrates the year-over-year growth in Prop. 98 since 2022-23 based on current and projected attendance through the 2025-26 fiscal year. The orange bar reflects total growth across 2022-23 to 2025-26.

What is the role of the LCFF in distributing resources to local communities for TK expansion?

The LCFF is the primary funding formula for K-12 school districts, charter schools, and county offices of education. The LCFF is an equity-based formula that provides a base grant per TK-12 student, adjusted to reflect the number of students at various grade levels, as well as additional grants for English learners, students from low-income families, and foster youth.

The LCFF uses an attendance measure, average daily attendance (ADA), to calculate funding. The base grant for TK (and grades K-3) in 2024-25 is $10,025, as shown in the table below, and is adjusted if districts meet average class sizes of 24 students or less. Districts also receive an add-on per TK ADA to maintain class ratios of 1:12 per classroom.

Additionally, the TK-3 base grant — and the base grant for all other grade levels — is “weighted” to provide additional funding to districts that enroll students classified as English learners, are eligible to receive a free or reduced-price meal, or are foster children. The LCFF provides a  “supplemental” grant of 20% of the base grant for each of these students. When the number of these high-need students (TK and all other grade levels combined) exceeds 55% of a school district’s enrollment, a “concentration” grant of 65% of the base grant is applied for students above that threshold. These two grants are the key variables that ensure a more equitable distribution of funding to the highest-need districts.

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key takeaway

Republican budget proposals would impose harsh and ineffective “work requirements” that restrict access to health care, food, and other necessities for millions of Americans. These “work requirements” are just paperwork barriers, not solutions. Federal policymakers should reject them.

All Californians, no matter their race, gender, or zip code, deserve to have affordable health care, housing, food, and other necessities that allow them to thrive in their communities. But Republican federal budget proposals would pave the way for deep and harmful cuts that would take health coverage, nutrition assistance, and other essentials away from millions of Californians struggling to make ends meet due to persistently high inflation and the state’s long-standing housing affordability crisis. These cuts would increase poverty and widen racial and ethnic inequities in exchange for funding huge tax giveaways for the wealthy.

One way Republican leaders may implement this deeply inequitable agenda is by making access to vital services contingent upon complying with rigid “work requirements” — rules that require regular documentation of work hours. Such proposals are ineffective, punitive, counterproductive, and a waste of federal funds. Research shows that these requirements don’t meaningfully or sustainably increase employment or earnings. Instead, they take health care, food, and other vital resources away from families and individuals in need — disproportionately Black people and other people of color — by adding unnecessary paperwork and work reporting hurdles to receive the support they need. “Work requirements” — more accurately, paperwork or work reporting requirements — increase hardship and make it even more challenging to maintain or find jobs. Policymakers should reject all proposals to impose work reporting requirements, recognizing them for what they are — harmful cuts that threaten the health and well-being of the communities they represent.

what are “work requirements?”

“Work requirements” — more accurately, paperwork or work reporting requirements — withhold essential services and support unless individuals can regularly document time spent working or engaged in certain activities, or else prove they are exempt from these requirements. These rigid reporting rules often trip people up on red tape, causing them to lose access to health care, food, and other essential human needs that they are otherwise eligible for and that all people deserve. To refer to these rules, this report interchangeably uses the term “work reporting requirements” and the more common term “work requirements” (in quotations to indicate that such requirements largely impose paperwork burdens).

“Work Requirements” Are Unnecessary, Ineffective, Punitive, Counterproductive, and a Waste of Money

Republican-led proposals to impose new or harsher work reporting requirements are simply harmful cuts by another name. Rather than fostering economic mobility as proponents claim, these requirements threaten to push families and individuals deeper into poverty by withholding health care, food assistance, and other vital support. This report makes clear that “work requirements” are:

  • Unnecessary. Most people who are likely to be targets of such requirements already do work for pay, while the remainder are engaged in valuable — but unpaid — caregiving work, attending school to improve their employment prospects, or are ill, disabled, retired, or between jobs.
  • Ineffective. They fail to meaningfully or sustainably increase employment or earnings. Instead, their main effect is to take vital assistance away from people in need. Consequently, they have little to no effect on economic mobility, and may even drive some families and individuals deeper into poverty.
  • Punitive. Forcing workers to regularly document work hours increases administrative bureaucracy and often trips people up on red tape, causing them to lose access to vital benefits. Complying with these onerous requirements can be especially difficult for workers paid low wages who lack control over fluctuating work hours or have employers who are unwilling to verify their employment.
  • Counterproductive. They fail to address the fundamental barriers that prevent so many people from meeting basic needs, including a racially discriminatory labor market rife with low-paying jobs and the lack of affordable child care that is necessary to work. Plus, taking away people’s health care or ability to afford food only makes it harder for them to maintain employment and make ends meet.
  • A waste of money. Implementing and enforcing “work requirements” is costly and wastes funds that would be far better spent on services and supports that actually improve the lives of all people.

Research Shows that “Work Requirements” Simply Don’t Work

“Work requirements” are already part of several social safety net programs, but research into those policies has consistently shown that they do not increase employment opportunities in the long run or decrease “program dependence.” Instead, these policies lead to participants being pushed out of programs and are tied to increases in deep poverty. Specifically, research finds that “work requirements:”

Adding More Hurdles for Accessing Medicaid Would Harm People’s Health and the Economy

Medi-Cal is California’s Medicaid program that provides free or low-cost health care to over one-third of the state’s population. The program serves individuals with modest incomes, including children, seniors, people with disabilities, and pregnant individuals. Medi-Cal is a lifeline for millions, ensuring access to essential health services that support public health and economic stability.

Medi-Cal coverage is essential to building and sustaining a stable workforce in California, especially because many low-wage jobs do not offer employer-sponsored health insurance and do not pay enough for people to afford coverage through Covered California, the state’s health insurance marketplace established under the Affordable Care Act. Ensuring access to Medi-Cal not only promotes individual health but also strengthens the state’s economy by supporting worker productivity.

Despite the critical role Medi-Cal plays, Congressional Republicans and the Trump administration have pushed for Medicaid “work requirements,” a policy that would make it harder for people to stay covered by tying health insurance to employment. Medicaid work reporting requirements are essentially cuts that would cause significant health coverage losses. Such proposals would require Medicaid beneficiaries to prove they are working, looking for work, or participating in job training programs in order to maintain coverage. Imposing such requirements in Medicaid would be:

  • Unnecessary: Most Medicaid enrollees under age 65 are already working (for pay). In California, over 3 in 5 adults work full-time or part-time (for pay). Among those who are not employed for pay, many are providing unpaid care for family members — an essential form of labor that sustains families and communities, yet is often overlooked by work reporting requirements. Others are managing illness or disability, or are enrolled in school.
  • Ineffective: Research consistently shows work reporting requirements are an ineffective policy tool that fail to increase employment. Instead, they create bureaucratic hurdles that cause people to drop off Medicaid — particularly people with disabilities, caregivers, and those working in unstable or low-wage jobs. Many enrollees who meet the work criteria still risk losing coverage due to administrative barriers, such as difficulty completing complex paperwork, missing deadlines, or lacking the necessary documents to prove eligibility.
  • Punitive: If implemented, “work requirements” would put over 8 million people in California at risk of losing their health coverage. (See this resource for details on the impact by congressional district.) Health coverage losses on this scale would have devastating effects on people’s health and economic security as well as the broader economy.
  • Counterproductive: Without coverage, people would struggle to see doctors, get medications, and access preventive care, leading to more severe health problems and even medical debt. At the same time, hospitals and clinics, especially in low-income and rural areas, would face higher costs for unpaid care, putting financial strain on local health systems. Imposing “work requirements” would also make it harder for people to maintain employment, particularly people with chronic illnesses, such as diabetes and heart disease, who need regular access to health care to manage their conditions.
  • A Waste of Money: Implementing and enforcing work reporting requirements in Medicaid would be costly. The Government Accountability Office estimates that administrative costs can range from millions to hundreds of millions per state. These funds would be better spent on improving access to health care services in Medi-Cal rather than on unnecessary bureaucratic hurdles that take health coverage away.

“Work requirements” undermine the very purpose of Medicaid: it is health insurance, not a jobs program.

The federal government plays a major role in shaping California’s budget, economy, and the well-being of its people.

Imposing Harsher Time Limits in SNAP/CalFresh Would Cut Benefits for Many and Increase Hunger

CalFresh, California’s name for the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP), provides program participants with modest monthly noncash benefits to buy food and is the state’s most powerful tool to fight hunger. At the federal level, SNAP requires participants between the ages of 18 and 54 who do not qualify for limited exemptions to meet work reporting requirements in order to receive aid beyond a very limited window of time. In effect, this policy imposes a harsh time limit on access to SNAP that pushes participants off benefits after three months.

Despite the extensive body of research showing that “work requirements” take food away from those who need it and do not have lasting effects on employment, Republican leaders continue to push forward proposals to expand already rigid time limits enforced through work reporting requirements for SNAP recipients. Recent proposals for harsher time limits would specifically target older adults, people experiencing homelessness, foster youth who have aged out of the system, and veterans, increasing hardship among these communities who already face disproportionate challenges to meet work reporting requirements and struggle to make ends meet. “Work requirements” for SNAP are a failed experiment that have proven to be:

  • Unnecessary: The majority of SNAP recipients who can work already do. Over 3 in 4 adults who participated in CalFresh in a given month had recent paid employment. Those who cannot work are limited by significant barriers to employment, such as disability or macroeconomic conditions outside their control, like a lack of job opportunities. Additionally, many recipients who did not have paid employment reported having unpaid caretaking responsibilities that prevented them from working in a traditional setting, highlighting the limitations of work reporting requirement policies in recognizing essential unpaid labor.
  • Ineffective: Work reporting requirements do not increase work participation, they just increase hunger. Research has extensively shown that work reporting requirements create barriers that ultimately take away critical assistance from people in need. This is especially true for people experiencing homelessness and people with disabilities.
  • Punitive: Proposals to impose harsher time limits via “work requirements” and limit key exemptions are grounded on the false narrative that people should earn the right to eat. Many SNAP recipients have low-wage and unstable jobs that are characterized by irregular schedules. This type of precarious work means that sometimes people may not be able to meet specific work hour requirements if their hours are cut or they miss work due to illness. Work reporting requirements punish recipients for not having quality jobs with predictable hours and benefits, without addressing the root causes of these issues.
  • Counterproductive: Food assistance is a key support for people to work and contribute to their communities. Being well-fed and having access to adequate nutrition is essential to staying healthy, reducing the risk of chronic illness, and increasing academic achievement and labor productivity. SNAP benefits also provide significant economic benefits to local economies, with each dollar in benefits generating a $1.54 return and helping fund jobs, as well as helping to reduce poverty. Harsher time limits would diminish the effectiveness of one of the strongest antipoverty programs and have long-term economic consequences for everyone.

Rejecting the expansion of already stringent SNAP time limits is necessary to ensure low-income families will continue to be able to access the healthy food they need.

Policymakers Should Reject Proposals to Impose “Work Requirements” that Just Add Bureaucratic Burdens

As Republicans in Congress push to make it more difficult for Californians to access health care, nutrition assistance, and other anti-poverty programs, it’s important to call these what they are: harmful bureaucratic burdens. Rather than fostering economic mobility, these layers of paperwork threaten to take away health care, food, and other essentials that all people need to thrive. These Republican proposals fail to improve affordability and, combined with the proposed tax cuts for the wealthy, will only deepen inequality across the country. Policymakers should reject these proposals, recognizing them for what they are — harmful cuts that jeopardize the health and well-being of the communities they represent.

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key takeaway

Expanding the Child Tax Credit would help millions of children thrive by reducing poverty, addressing racial inequities, and ensuring families with the lowest incomes receive the full support they need.

All children deserve to grow up with the resources needed to be healthy and thrive. Yet millions of families across California struggle to afford food and other necessities because many jobs fail to pay enough to make ends meet, particularly in the face of persistently high inflation and rising housing costs.

Growing up in poverty can have dire consequences for children’s futures, but research shows that policymakers can mitigate or prevent this harm by giving families with low incomes more resources, like the Child Tax Credit. This is why federal policymakers must ensure that children who are currently excluded from the full federal Child Tax Credit because their families’ income is too low or because of their immigration status are provided this vital credit. With several provisions of the Child Tax Credit slated to expire at the end of 2025, Congress has an opportunity to improve the credit to promote a thriving childhood and a strong future for all children.

Policies Like the Child Tax Credit Can Improve Children’s Outcomes

Research shows that increasing financial resources for families with low incomes, including through refundable tax credits, has the potential to improve children’s health, educational attainment, and earnings prospects as adults.1A refundable income tax credit is a type of credit that benefits families and individuals with very low incomes. The credit provides the same value regardless of how much tax filers owe in personal income taxes. For example, a family who qualifies for a $500 refundable credit and owes $200 in taxes will get the full $500 credit, with $200 covering their taxes and $300 as a cash refund. If the family owes no tax, they will get the full $500 as a cash refund. Additional evidence from the recent one-year expansion of the federal Child Tax Credit shows the powerful immediate effects of targeting sizeable financial resources to families with low incomes. In 2021, for the first time in the Child Tax Credit’s history, nearly all families with low incomes became eligible for $3,600 per child ages 0 to 5 and $3,000 per child ages 6 to 17. This significantly boosted families’ incomes, bringing the national child poverty rate to an historic low and cutting California’s child poverty rate by more than 40%.

The expanded Child Tax Credit was also associated with substantial reductions in racial income inequities, particularly among families with very low incomes, and with declines in food insufficiency and food insecurity, suggesting that increasing access to the credit among families with low incomes would improve child and family well-being. Researchers believe these improvements could produce broader benefits to society, given the current high costs associated with childhood poverty.

How Does the federal child tax credit work?

The federal Child Tax Credit currently provides families with $2,000 per dependent child under age 17, but families with low incomes — who are most in need of additional income to meet basic needs — are excluded from the full credit.2Additionally, the $2,000-per-child Child Tax Credit begins to “phase out” (gradually decline) for single parents with incomes over $200,000 and married couples with incomes over $400,000. For example, a single parent with one child must have an income of about $25,000 or more to qualify for the full Child Tax Credit, while a single parent with two children must earn about $28,000 or more. Families with income below these thresholds qualify for less than the full credit, and those with the lowest incomes – $2,500 or less – are completely excluded from the Child Tax Credit.

In addition, certain children are excluded from the Child Tax Credit based on their immigration status.3Specifically, children who have Individual Taxpayer Identification Numbers (ITINs) have been excluded from the Child Tax Credit since 2018. ITINs are issued by the Internal Revenue Service (IRS) to individuals who do not have Social Security Numbers to use for tax filing purposes. Several changes to the Child Tax Credit that took effect in 2018 are scheduled to expire after 2025, providing Congress with the opportunity to end the exclusion of children from the credit based on their families’ low income or immigration status.4If the Child Tax Credit reverts to its pre-2018 form, the maximum credit will decline from $2,000 per child to $1,000 per child and children age 17 will no longer be eligible, among other changes. For more information, see Urban-Brookings Tax Policy Center, The Tax Policy Briefing Book: What Is the Child Tax Credit? (updated February 2025).

Millions of Children Across California Are Blocked from Accessing the Credit Because Their Families’ Incomes Are Too Low

Despite the significant reduction in poverty brought about by the expanded Child Tax Credit in 2021, federal policymakers failed to extend the expanded credit beyond one year. Consequently, about 2 million children under the age of 17 across California are excluded from receiving the full Child Tax Credit because their families’ incomes are too low.

Families that don’t earn enough to qualify for the full credit include parents working part-time in order to go to school to pursue their career goals. For example, a single mother working halftime as a childcare worker and going to school to get her teaching credential makes just $20,600 per year — well below what is needed to make ends meet and support her two children in California. Yet she would qualify for only two-thirds of the full tax credit based on her low income — just $2,715 instead of $4,000. The $1,285 she is denied could have helped her buy about two months of groceries. A single parent working part-time to support three children would qualify for an even smaller share of the full Child Tax Credit. For example, if they earned $24,260 in annual wages as a part-time nursing assistant, they would receive just over half of the full tax credit — $3,510 instead of $6,000.

Children Are Excluded from the Full Child Tax Credit in Every California Congressional District

Statewide roughly one-quarter of children under age 17 are excluded from the full Child Tax Credit. However, in 20 of the state’s 52 congressional districts even more than a quarter of children are left out. The two districts where the most children are excluded are CA-37 (Kamlager) and CA-22 (Valadao), where over 40% of children are left out of the full credit because their families earn too little.

The districts where most children are excluded from the full Child Tax Credit based on their low family income are located largely in southern California, mainly in the Los Angeles region, with a few in the Central Valley. However, as highlighted in the map, districts across California leave out children who stand to benefit the most from receiving the maximum payment.

Built-In Barriers: How the Child Tax Credit Disproportionately Excludes Children of Color

Of all the major racial and ethnic groups, Black, Latinx, and American Indian/Alaska Native children are disproportionately blocked from the full Child Tax Credit because their families earn too little, reflecting past and present discrimination as well as long-standing inequities in opportunity. Nearly 4 out of 10 Black children (38%) and roughly one-third of Latinx children and American Indian/Alaska Native children are excluded from the full Child Tax Credit due to their families’ low earnings, compared to around 13% to 15% of Asian, white, and multiracial and other children of color. This disproportionate exclusion of many children of color reinforces long-standing barriers that have continuously blocked families and children of color from escaping poverty and being able to afford basic necessities.

Many Children Are Denied the Child Tax Credit Based on Their Immigration Status

Hundreds of thousands of dependent children nationwide have been outright excluded from the Child Tax Credit since 2018 because of their immigration status even though their families pay taxes. Policies that discriminate against people based on immigration status are deeply harmful to families and communities. The vast majority of undocumented individuals live in mixed status families and many children who are excluded from the Child Tax Credit based on their status likely live in California given the large share of immigrants in the state. This exclusion has put families and children at greater risk of hunger, poverty, and other severe hardships. Federal Republican budget proposals under consideration include further restricting access to the Child Tax Credit by taking it away from US citizen children based on their parents’ immigration status.

All families that pay taxes should be eligible for tax benefits like the Child Tax Credit. Undocumented residents nationwide paid $96.7 billion in taxes in 2022, including $19.5 billion in federal income taxes. These contributions help support public services even as undocumented residents are excluded from benefiting from many of those same services. In California, undocumented residents paid $8.5 billion in state and local taxes in 2022.

Ending Exclusions Would Promote a Strong Future for All Children

With provisions of the Child Tax Credit slated to expire soon, Congress has an opportunity this year to strengthen the credit by ending the exclusion of children based on their families’ low income or immigration status. Making the credit more inclusive would lift additional families out of poverty, reduce racial and ethnic inequities, and promote a strong future for all children — both in California and the nation.

  • 1
    A refundable income tax credit is a type of credit that benefits families and individuals with very low incomes. The credit provides the same value regardless of how much tax filers owe in personal income taxes. For example, a family who qualifies for a $500 refundable credit and owes $200 in taxes will get the full $500 credit, with $200 covering their taxes and $300 as a cash refund. If the family owes no tax, they will get the full $500 as a cash refund.
  • 2
    Additionally, the $2,000-per-child Child Tax Credit begins to “phase out” (gradually decline) for single parents with incomes over $200,000 and married couples with incomes over $400,000.
  • 3
    Specifically, children who have Individual Taxpayer Identification Numbers (ITINs) have been excluded from the Child Tax Credit since 2018. ITINs are issued by the Internal Revenue Service (IRS) to individuals who do not have Social Security Numbers to use for tax filing purposes.
  • 4
    If the Child Tax Credit reverts to its pre-2018 form, the maximum credit will decline from $2,000 per child to $1,000 per child and children age 17 will no longer be eligible, among other changes. For more information, see Urban-Brookings Tax Policy Center, The Tax Policy Briefing Book: What Is the Child Tax Credit? (updated February 2025).

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Women in California deserve the opportunity to thrive and access the same economic opportunities as their male counterparts. When women thrive, their families and communities prosper. However, women in California continuously encounter structural barriers that prevent them from doing so. Black women and Black single mothers in California, in particular, regularly confront policies rooted in racism and sexism that block them from accessing state funded programs and even stifle their earnings.

According to the latest Women’s Well-Being Index, Black women’s average wages are lower than white and Asian women and significantly lower than white men’s. This wage gap is persistent and closing at such a slow rate that wage equality will not be achieved in the lifetime of the youngest Californians. Additionally, in California, 67% of Black households are headed by single mothers. Consequently, Black single mothers face the additional financial burden of being the sole earners of their household and working while supporting their families, resulting in an even larger wage gap. While there has been progress in closing the wage gap, the state can implement policies that do much more to address the barriers to economic prosperity for Black women and Black single mothers in California.

This report was co-authored with the California Black Women’s Collective Empowerment Institute. The Institute is dedicated to uplifting Black women and girls; CABWCEI fosters strategic partnerships, amplifies voices, and drives systemic change to eliminate barriers and advance social and economic equity across California.

As the anchor organization for the California Black Women’s Think Tank at CSU Dominguez Hills, CABWCEI works to strengthen representation, mobilize collective influence, and advocate for policies that secure social and economic safety nets.

What is the Gap in Earnings Between Black Women and White Men?

In California, Black women — and especially Black single mothers — are paid far less than white men both in earnings from their job and total income. Approximately 67% of Black households are headed by Black single mothers, and systemic inequalities and economic disparities present these women with a unique set of challenges. It is crucial to not only examine earnings (wages) for Black women overall, but also to focus specifically on the total income of Black single mothers. As shown in the proceeding chart, in 2022:

  • Black women were paid $54,000 in earnings and Black single moms were paid $50,000, compared to the nearly $90,000 white men earned.
  • Similarly, Black women made $60,000 in total income and Black single moms made $53,000, while white men made in total just over $90,000.

These findings mean that for every $1 a white man made in the state in 2022, a Black woman was paid only $0.60 and Black single moms were paid only $0.56. This gap suggests that given the cost of living in California, one job is not enough to make ends meet. As a result, many Black women are forced to work second jobs to try to make ends meet, and even then, they still face a large earnings gap to white men. This is even worse for Black single moms who are the primary breadwinners of their families.

The consequences of this systemic wage gap ripple far beyond paychecks. When a mother struggles to make enough, her entire family feels it. It means tougher choices about paying rent, putting food on the table, or saving for the future. It means limited access to safe housing, quality healthcare, and educational opportunities — not just for her, but for her children too. This kind of financial stress isn’t just a challenge for today; it’s a challenge for generations.

What Could Black Women Afford if They Were Paid Equally?

The wage and income gaps Black women face place heavy burdens on their ability to meet even their basic needs. If Black women were paid equal to white men, they would be better resourced to thrive. Consider a single Black working mom in California. She must manage her children’s drop-off and pick-up at both child care and elementary school, while working two jobs to try to make ends meet. If she had been paid what white men in the state were in 2022, as the following chart shows, she would be able to afford:

  • An additional 8 years of groceries;
  • An entire year of rent; or 
  • Two years of child care.

If Black women were paid equal to white men, they could significantly improve their quality of life, generate more opportunities for their families, and better afford basic needs like housing, groceries, and diapers. Unfortunately, without proactive public policies, this will not be a reality for most women in the state today.

This is important because the wage and earnings gaps that Black women and single Black mothers face aren’t just numbers on a chart — they represent real struggles, real sacrifices, and real missed opportunities for Californians. These gaps place a heavy burden on their ability to meet even the most basic needs. This is about moms working long hours, stretching every dollar, and still being forced to make impossible choices about what they can afford for their families.

If The Status Quo Remains, How Long Will It Take To Close the Wage Gap?

Unfortunately, this wage gap is far from being closed. Specifically, it will take until the year 2121 — or nearly 100 years — for this gap to close. At this rate, equal pay will not be a reality for the majority of Black women in the state in their lifetimes.

Why Do Black Women in California Continue to Face a Wage Gap?

The wage gap for Black women and more specifically, Black single mothers, reflects decades of systemic racism and sexism. These injustices not only highlight the exploitation and implicit bias Black women experience, but also shed light on how policies have not done enough to support closing the wage gap. While multiple factors underscore the wage  gap for Black women, the following are salient contributors.

Policy Recommendations for Black Women and Single Black Mothers in California: Closing the Economic Gap

To address the pay gap and improve the economic well-being of Black women and single Black mothers in California, the state can implement targeted, localized policies to address systemic barriers and create equitable opportunities. Here are key California-specific policy recommendations:

Strengthen Pay Transparency and Equity Laws

  • What It Does: Enhance existing California Transparency Pay Act requirements that mandate employers to disclose salary ranges in all job postings and ensure transparency in promotions. This could be done by reducing the business size threshold so the requirements apply to all businesses with at least five employees instead of the current 15-employee threshold.
  • Why It Matters: This would reduce wage discrimination for Black women and single Black mothers and empower them to negotiate fair and just compensation in the state’s competitive job market.

Increase Access to Affordable Child Care Programs

  • What It Does: Expand California’s subsidized child care program and simplify eligibility requirements for single mothers. Boost funding to support higher wages for child care providers to address workforce shortages.
  • Why It Matters: High child care costs are a major burden for single Black mothers in California, and affordable child care would free up resources for other essentials.

Support Workforce Development for High-Growth and Non-Traditional Industries

  • What It Does: Expand California’s workforce development programs to include targeted support for Black women and single Black mothers in public, nontraditional and emerging and high-demand industries like tech, health care, and green energy.
  • Why It Matters: Equipping single Black mothers with the skills needed for better-paying jobs would help close the income gap and provide long-term economic stability.

Promote Leadership Development for Black Women

  • What It Does: Fund leadership programs that equip Black women with skills and mentorship opportunities for advancement in corporate, nonprofit, and public sectors.
  • Why It Matters: Leadership development addresses underrepresentation of Black women in executive, people-leading, and decision-making roles — opening doors to higher earnings and influence.

Invest in Affordable Housing Initiatives

  • What It Does: Increase funding for programs like CalHome to create products (i.e. down payment grants, mortgage forbearance programs, and Accessory Dwelling Unit (ADU) construction grants) that help mitigate the issues that single-income earners face. Provide rental assistance programs specifically for single mothers.
  • Why It Matters: The cost of housing in California is among the highest in the nation. Affordable housing would alleviate one of the largest financial burdens Black women and single Black mothers face.

Implement a Family Choice-Centered Approach to Universal Pre-K and Early Education Supports

  • What It Does: Ensure the California State Preschool Program (CSPP) is accessible and meets the needs of all low-income families, including single Black mothers, and expand funding to maximize family choice across all early learning and care programs.
  • Why It Matters: Early education allows single mothers to pursue work or education while providing their children with a strong academic foundation at an early learning setting preferred by them.

Increase Minimum Wage to Reflect Regional Costs of Living

  • What It Does: Introduce region-specific minimum wages that account for the cost of living in high-cost areas like Los Angeles, San Francisco, and San Diego.
  • Why It Matters: Black women and single Black mothers working minimum-wage jobs in California’s urban centers often struggle to cover basic expenses due to the high cost of living.

Promote Equity in Hiring and Advancement

  • What It Does: Require California employers to establish belonging and representation plans that focus on hiring and promoting Black women into leadership roles. Provide state tax incentives for companies that meet belonging and representation goals.
  • Why It Matters: Addressing systemic discrimination in hiring and promotions would open pathways to higher-paying positions for women and people of color.

Strengthen Protections Against Workplace Discrimination

  • What It Does: Enhance enforcement of California’s anti-discrimination laws with specific measures to address racial and gender bias. Include protections against discrimination in hiring, pay, and promotions. Establish guidelines for the enforcement of the Creating a Respectful and Open World for Natural Hair (CROWN) Act.
  • Why It Matters: Discrimination limits Black women’s access to fair pay and opportunities for advancement. Robust protections create more equitable workplaces.

what is the crown act?

A law that prohibits race-based hair discrimination, defined as the denial of employment and educational opportunities because of hair texture or protective hairstyles. 

Create a Statewide Task Force for Black Women’s Economic Equity

  • What It Does: Establish a task force under the California Department of Business and Economic Development to focus on developing recommendations to close the pay gap, wealth gap, support entrepreneurship, and advance workforce equity for Black women.
  • Why It Matters: A dedicated task force would ensure ongoing focus, data collection, and accountability on issues impacting Black women’s economic well-being.

When Black women are paid fairly, they don’t just lift themselves up. They lift up their families, their communities, and our entire state. California can’t afford to leave anyone behind, especially the women who are working hard to build better futures for all of us. It’s time to close these discriminatory pay gaps and ensure every woman — every mom — gets the respect, the resources, and the pay she deserves.

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