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key takeaway

California voters will decide on March 5th, 2024, whether to pass Proposition 1, a two-part initiative aiming to improve access to behavioral health services. This includes funding for treatment facilities, housing support, and changes to the Mental Health Services Act.

Millions of Californians who cope with behavioral health conditions — mental illness or substance use disorders — rely on services and supports that are primarily provided by California’s 58 counties. Improving California’s behavioral health system is critical to ensure access to these services for all Californians, regardless of race, age, gender identity, sexual orientation, or county of residence.

In recent years, state policymakers have launched various initiatives to transform California’s behavioral health system with the goal of improving access for Californians. The most recent of these initiatives is Prop. 1. Last year, state policymakers passed, with strong support from Governor Gavin Newsom, Senate Bill 326 and Assembly Bill 531. Together, these bills placed Prop. 1 on the March 2024 ballot.

On March 5, 2024, California voters will vote on Prop. 1, a two-part measure that would 1) amend California’s Mental Health Services Act and 2) create a $6.38 billion general obligation bond. The bond would fund:

  • Behavioral health treatment and residential facilities,
  • Supportive housing for veterans and individuals at risk of or experiencing homelessness with behavioral health challenges.

This initiative presents beneficial aspects as well as potentially adverse consequences for Californians. This Q&A provides a high-level overview of Prop. 1, including how Californians with behavioral health conditions might be impacted by its passage as well as implications for the state budget.

Key Terms

Why Does Prop. 1 Matter for Californians?

Prop. 1 would impact how many Californians access mental health services and substance use disorder treatment in their communities. It would restructure a key funding source for county behavioral health services in ways that would increase housing supports but might adversely impact counties’ ability to provide behavioral health services.

The Mental Health Services Act (MHSA), which Prop. 1 would amend, accounts for about one-third of funding for county behavioral health services. The MHSA is essential in supporting services for Californians across different ages, addressing a spectrum of mild to severe behavioral health conditions.

Prop. 1 would also authorize a statewide bond to create mental health and substance use treatment beds, and housing with supportive services for unhoused Californians with behavioral health challenges. Increased supportive housing and access to treatment facilities is crucial for Californians. Capital funds accessed through the bond portion of Prop. 1 will slightly impact the state’s ability to make budgetary decisions year-to-year. However, the capacity of the state to issue future voter-approved bonds will decrease because California has a limited ability to finance bond measures.

Changes to the MHSA will impact a system that currently supports all Californians with behavioral health conditions. In contrast, the bond focuses on individuals with behavioral conditions who are at risk of or experiencing homelessness, which is a smaller portion of the unhoused population.

As thousands of Californians across the state experience the devastating effects of homelessness and barriers to behavioral health care, policymakers are asking Californians to consider if redirecting MHSA funds and authorizing a new general obligation bond is the right approach to addressing the state’s behavioral health and homelessness crises.

What Problem Is Prop. 1 Trying to Address?

Prop. 1 aims to support Californians who are most affected by severe behavioral health conditions (mental illness and substance use disorders) and homelessness. This initiative is designed to create designated funding for mental health services and housing or treatment units for people with behavioral health conditions who are or at risk of experiencing homelessness.

In early 2023, over 181,000 Californians were counted as experiencing homelessness — the traumatic effects of which can seriously harm individuals’ well-being. Research suggests the trauma of experiencing homelessness can cause people to develop mental health problems and worsen existing behavioral health challenges and coping behaviors like substance use.

There are data challenges in quantifying exactly how many unhoused Californians have a mental health condition or substance use disorder. The 2023 homelessness point-in-time count showed 25% of the 181,399 people experiencing homelessness in California had a severe mental illness and 24% had a substance use disorder. However, while there is likely overlap between these individuals, the full extent is not reported.

Access to mental health care and substance use disorder treatment can be challenging for Californians who are unhoused. A recent statewide study found that nearly 4 in 5 unhoused Californians surveyed reported experiencing a serious mental health condition at some point in life, and those with current mental health conditions reported limited access to treatment. Additionally, 1 in 5 unhoused Californians who reported regular substance use and wanted treatment were not able to receive it.

These challenges are compounded by California’s shortage of adult psychiatric and community residential beds, which prevents Californians with serious behavioral health conditions from accessing critical behavioral health services.

What Is the Mental Health Services Act?

In 2004, California voters approved the Mental Health Services Act (Prop. 63), which created a 1% surtax on personal incomes above $1 million to provide increased funding for mental health services. Its passage signified a commitment to improving mental health outcomes for Californians, with a focus on prevention, early intervention, and community-based care. This tax supports about one-third of the state’s public mental health system.

The Mental Health Services Act has five main goals:

How Are Mental Health Services Act Funds Used Today?

The majority of MHSA funding (95%) goes directly to counties, which have some flexibility in how to use these funds.

Under current law, a small percentage of MHSA dollars (5%) is reserved for state-level administration.

How Would Prop. 1 Change Mental Health Services Act Spending?

Prop. 1 proposes significant revisions to the Mental Health Services Act (MHSA). These include:

  • Changing its name to the Behavioral Health Services Act (BHSA),
  • Expanding its scope to encompass treatment for substance use disorders.

Additionally, it would modify how MHSA funds are allocated, and introduce changes related to oversight, accountability, and the community planning process. This overview will focus on outlining the new funding structure under Prop. 1.

Under Prop. 1, counties would continue to receive the bulk of BHSA funds (90%). However, the allocation across different spending categories would change, without an increase in revenues. Counties would allocate their BHSA funds as follows:

Prop. 1 could provide some exemptions for counties with a population of less than 200,000. In addition, during the first two years of implementation, counties might have the flexibility to transfer up to 14% of their funding between these categories, with a limit of 7% per category. However, this flexibility is still pending state approval and has not been confirmed.

Another notable change is that Prop. 1 would shift a small percentage of dollars from counties to the state (from about 5% of total MHSA funding to about 10%). This would result in about $140 million annually redirected to the state budget. However, this amount could be higher or lower depending on the total amount of revenue collected from the tax.

Prop. 1 would also revise the allocation of state-level funds:

  • At least 3% to the Department of Health Care Access and Information to implement a statewide behavioral health workforce initiative.
  • At least 4% to the California Department of Public Health for population-based mental health and substance use disorder prevention programs. A minimum of 51% of these funds must be used for programs serving Californians who are 25 years or younger.

It’s worth noting that Prop. 1 would not change the tax on people with incomes over $1 million per year. This means counties would be expected to expand their scope of services without an increase in revenue. In fact, county leaders have repeatedly raised concerns about the disruption that Prop. 1 could cause. Specifically, the MHSA restructuring could result in significantly less funding for core services, which could lead to counties:

  • Canceling contracts with community-based organizations. 
  • Closing programs that are currently serving Californians.
  • Reducing county staffing.

If passed, the exact impact of Prop. 1 will vary by county and depend on how much revenue is collected in any given year. It’s important to keep in mind that the MHSA funds services for Californians of all ages for a range of conditions — mild to moderate to severe. The restructuring of MHSA funding would target a subset of this population. Therefore, programs and services for prevention and early intervention in some counties, for instance, could experience disruptions due to the new prioritization of funding.

What Can We Expect from the Behavioral Health Infrastructure Bond?

The Behavioral Health Infrastructure Bond would create a $6.38 billion general obligation bond for:

  • Infrastructure development of treatment and residential care facilities,
  • Supportive housing units for veterans and other Californians with serious mental health conditions and substance use disorders.

These funds are estimated to create up to 4,350 housing units, with 2,350 set aside for veterans, and 6,800 mental health and substance use treatment places for an approximate total of 11,150 new behavioral health and supportive housing units statewide. An estimated 26,700 outpatient treatment slots will also be created that may serve thousands of Californians annually.

Projects funded by the Behavioral Health Infrastructure Bond will be eligible for local streamlined review processes if they meet select criteria. The bond funds will be allocated as follows:

First Look: Understanding the governor's 2024-25 state budget proposal

Learn about the key pieces of the 2024-25 California budget proposal, and explore how the governor prioritized spending and determined cuts amid a sizable projected state budget shortfall.

What Would the Infrastructure Bond Mean for the State Budget?

Under Prop. 1, the state would issue up to $6.38 billion in general obligation (GO) bonds, with the funds going toward:

  • Grants or loans for vital treatment and residential care facilities,
  • Supportive housing units.

California voters have a record of funding large infrastructure projects through bonds as it does allow the state to access impactful funding amounts that are designed to serve public interests at large over many years.

In issuing bonds, the state must repay the bond debt service (which is the principal bond amount plus interest) through General Fund dollars. The most recent cost estimate assumes a 30-year debt service resulting in projected payments of roughly $310 million per year. Under this estimate, it would cost the state approximately $9.3 billion to repay the total bond debt, not including the cost of inflation. California currently spends roughly 2.5% of the state budget on repaying various bond obligations voters have decided on in the past.

While there are ways to equitably reform the state budget’s revenue streams, policymakers must balance the yearly limited discretionary flexible dollars in the General Fund. GO bonds in essence prioritize increased debt-service payments to be drawn from the General Fund over potential ongoing or one-time funding. Repaying the bond portion of Prop. 1 is a trade-off that will slightly reduce the flexible dollars left for other vital public services that may already serve Californians with behavioral health conditions and those at risk of or experiencing homelessness. It also challenges the state’s capacity to fund future voter-approved bonds since California has limitations on financing bond measures.

Another consideration is the ongoing operating costs that will be needed to adequately sustain the facilities produced through Prop. 1. As explained above, the MHSA restructuring does designate 30% to housing interventions which includes rental and operating subsidies. The funds can presumably help sustain facilities that are projected to be secured through the bond funding. However, it is uncertain whether these funds and those from other sources will be sufficient and accessed efficiently to ensure adequate upkeep, staffing, and proper care for the Californians receiving housing and services through these projects.

The infrastructure projects funded under the bond would build on existing state programs that received one-time funding through previous budget allocations or voter-approved bonds which are close to being depleted.

How Might Californians Be Impacted by Prop. 1?

The proposal presents various promising aspects. First of all, the expansion of services to substance use disorder treatment is positive. This broadened scope recognizes that mental health challenges and substance use disorders sometimes occur together. In fact, more than 1 in 4 adults living with a serious mental illness also have a substance use disorder. This underscores the importance of providing treatment for both conditions.

Another positive aspect of this proposal is the prioritization of treatment facilities and supportive housing infrastructure for Californians at risk of or experiencing homelessness with behavioral health conditions. Due to racism, ableism, and other forms of discrimination, some Californians are more likely to experience the devastating effects of homelessness at some point in their lifetime. This disparity is particularly stark for Black, Indigenous and Pacific Islander Californians, adults without children, older adults, and transgender and other LGBTQ+ individuals.

Notably, the new investments and prioritization of funds under Prop. 1 target a small but important share of the unhoused population. The majority of unhoused Californians face short-term homelessness (61%), for which deeply affordable permanent housing is needed. For those who are chronically homeless (39%) and may have behavioral health challenges, the increased supportive housing units are crucial if they are appropriately sustained with wraparound supportive services.

One concern about Prop. 1 is the restructuring of funding under the Mental Health Services Act (MHSA). While the exact consequences of this change are not entirely clear for each county, it could have adverse effects. The MHSA has been instrumental in providing innovative, community-based services for historically underserved communities, including people of color and LGBTQ+ communities. Given that county leaders have expressed that this initiative could result in less funding for core services, Prop. 1 could negatively impact services for Californians of color and LGBTQ+ communities that are currently supported by MHSA funding.

A key flaw of this initiative is that it expands the scope of the MHSA and prioritizes funding for people who are or at risk of experiencing homelessness without increasing the tax or providing new revenue to support existing county behavioral health programs. This approach is concerning, as it redirects funds originally allocated for a specific purpose to address a different need.

What Are Supporters and Opponents Saying?

supporters

Supporters claim that Prop. 1 would prioritize existing funds and generate new funds for Californians with the most severe behavioral health needs and those living in encampments. Other supporters assert that the proposition is a beneficial component in advancing the variety of interventions needed to address California’s housing and homelessness challenges. Supporters of Prop. 1 include California Big City Mayors as well as some behavioral health and housing advocates.

opponents

Opponents, including disability rights advocates and peer support advocates, argue that Prop. 1 represents a significant regression in the treatment of mental illness and substance use disorders, likening its impact to a 50-year setback. This perspective stems from allowing funding to be used for involuntary or forced treatment facilities. Opponents also claim that Prop. 1 could result in reduced mental health services for Black, Indigenous, and other people of color and LGBTQ+ Californians.

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key takeaway

Federal government shutdowns can significantly disrupt California’s essential safety net programs, potentially affecting millions of residents and underscoring the importance of ongoing support for these vital services.

Access to health care, affordable food, safe housing, and a safety net to turn to during unexpected challenges is essential for everyone. Safety net programs provide critical support to more than 1 in 3 Californians every year. Without these important public supports, California’s poverty rate would be much higher.

During a federal government shutdown, safety net programs that receive federal funding can be affected, potentially causing disruptions to the lives of millions of Californians. This Q&A provides an overview of California’s safety net programs and how they can be impacted during a federal government shutdown.

What Are Safety Net Programs and How Many Californians Do They Support?


Safety net programs provide financial assistance, health care, and other essential services to millions of Californians. These programs help people with low-incomes or people experiencing unexpected challenges — such as losing a job — receive the care and support they need to get by. California safety net programs are supported by state and federal funding.

Why Does a Federal Government Shutdown Happen?

A federal government shutdown occurs when the United States Congress fails to pass annual or temporary spending bills before the start of the new federal fiscal year, which begins on October 1st. Federal policymakers can enact temporary spending bills, or continuing resolutions, that allow the government to continue operating while policymakers reach an agreement on the federal budget. Shutdowns typically happen due to political disputes, disagreements over spending priorities, and legislative gridlock.

How Can a Federal Government Shutdown Impact Safety Net Programs?

The duration of a federal government shutdown would determine the impact on safety net programs. Prolonged shutdowns can have devastating consequences for Californians who receive health, food, and housing assistance. If a shutdown persists, California policymakers should allocate additional state funds to sustain critical programs and services.

In contrast, shorter federal government shutdowns, lasting only a few days, generally cause less disruptions. Californians can still access various health and safety net supports during these brief closures. For instance, Californians who rely on Medi-Cal can maintain access to health care services, as Medi-Cal providers could continue to receive reimbursement in the short term. This is partly due to advance funding provisions within the Medicaid program, which can be secured in prior federal budgets.

What Are the Potential Impacts of a Brief Government Shutdown?

Community health centers, including Federally Qualified Health Centers, are more susceptible to adverse impacts. Even a brief shutdown would affect community health centers’ ability to provide services and meet operating expenses because they rely on funding from federal grants.

Short shutdowns can also have repercussions for other safety net programs. Some government employees would be furloughed during shutdowns, which means programs could experience staffing shortages. Staffing shortages could negatively impact Californians. For example, even though Californians could continue to receive rental assistance through HUD (Housing and Urban Development), nearly all of HUD’s fair housing activities would cease due to a reduced staffing.

What’s At Stake?

A prolonged federal shutdown could have disastrous effects on our state and disrupt the lives of millions of Californians, especially communities of color. Past and current racist wage and employment policies concentrate people of color into under-valued occupations with lower wages and minimal benefits. As a result, Black, Latinx, and other Californians of color are more likely to have trouble affording basic needs — like housing, groceries, and diapers — and are also more likely to qualify for safety net programs. If a prolonged shutdown leads to a suspension or reduction of critical programs and services, it would disrupt the lives of millions of Californians and exacerbate economic inequality. This underscores the need to ensure that every Californian, regardless of their race, age, zip code, or gender, can thrive and share in the state's prosperity.

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Having a place to call home is the most basic foundation for health and well-being no matter one’s age, gender, race, or zip code. But many thousands of individuals in California each year experience homelessness and its destructive effects. Polling shows that Californians continue to rank homelessness as one of the most serious challenges facing the state, and policymakers have paid increasing attention to this issue in recent years. Understanding the scale, impact, and drivers of homelessness in California can help guide effective policy solutions and action to end this crisis.

How does homelessness affect the people who experience it?

Homelessness has devastating effects on the individuals who experience it because having a home is a basic necessity to maintain health, work, school, and dignified living conditions. Lack of stable housing seriously disrupts individuals’ ability to obtain or keep a job or to make sure that children are able to attend and focus on school. Homelessness exposes individuals to serious health risks and makes it difficult to take care of one’s health and access health care, and therefore homelessness can exacerbate chronic or acute health conditions. In fact, adults experiencing homelessness often have health problems and difficulty with daily living activities that are more typical of people 20 years older. Unhoused individuals have also faced serious health risks throughout the COVID-19 pandemic.

This devastation to people’s lives is why homelessness in California is a crisis that requires urgent attention by federal, state, and local leaders.

The stress of homelessness can also seriously harm individuals’ mental well-being. Research shows that the trauma of experiencing homelessness can cause people to develop mental health problems for the first time and can worsen existing behavioral health challenges. Longer time spent without a home is linked to higher levels of mental distress and more damage from coping behaviors like substance use.

This devastation to people’s lives is why homelessness in California is a crisis that requires urgent attention by federal, state, and local leaders.

How many people in California experience homelessness?

When Californians experience homelessness, urgent action is needed, because no one should be without a home. According to the most recent point-in-time data, as of January 2020 there were 161,548 people in California experiencing homelessness on a given night. The majority of these individuals – about 70% – were unsheltered, meaning that they were living on the street, in their vehicle, or in other places not meant to serve as homes. 

Another way to understand how many Californians experience homelessness is to consider how many people received homelessness services (like shelter or outreach) over the course of a full year. More than 270,000 homeless individuals across the state received some kind of services during calendar year 2021, and the total number receiving services likely increased the following year. This number is larger than the point-in-time number because many people who fall into homelessness at some time during the year return to stable housing relatively quickly, and the point-in-time count only captures the number of individuals experiencing homelessness on one night of the year.

Who experiences homelessness in California?

People of all ages and backgrounds fall into homelessness, and Californians experience homelessness in every county of the state. The majority of unhoused individuals are single adults, but an important share are also families with children and unaccompanied and parenting youth. A substantial share of single adults experiencing homelessness in California are older adults.

There are deep racial inequities in who experiences homelessness in California, with individuals who are Black facing a greatly disproportionate risk of homelessness, as well as American Indian or Alaska Native and Pacific Islander individuals. The number of Latinx Californians experiencing homelessness also increased substantially in the most recent point-in-time count. These disparities reflect the effects of structural racism and inequitable treatment and access to opportunities in education, employment, health, the justice system, and other domains.

In addition, there are disparities in experiences of homelessness by gender identity and sexual orientation. In terms of gender, the majority of unhoused Californians are male. Individuals who identify as transgender or gender-nonconforming are more likely than cisgender individuals to be unsheltered when they experience homelessness. Among youth, those who identify as LGBTQ+ are especially likely to experience homelessness, in many cases as a direct result of family rejection of their gender identity or sexual orientation.

MORE in this series

See our 5 Facts: Who is Experiencing Homelessness in California? to learn more about California’s diverse unhoused population.

What are the key drivers of homelessness in California?

Many systemic challenges rooted in classism, racism, and sexism that harm individuals and families put people at greater risk of becoming homeless at some point in their lifetime.

The severe shortage of affordable housing — particularly housing that is affordable to people with the lowest incomes — is the number-one driver of California’s homelessness crisis. For Californians with the very lowest incomes — those categorized as “extremely low-income” under the definition used for most state and federal housing policies — there were only 23 housing units that were affordable and available for every 100 renter households as of 2020. Statewide, an estimated 1.2 million new affordable homes are needed by 2030 to meet the housing needs of Californians with low incomes.

Because affordable housing is in such short supply in California, many renters with low incomes must pay much more than they can afford for housing, so that even a minor financial emergency can cause them to be unable to cover the rent and face the risk of eviction and homelessness. Black and Latinx renters are especially likely to face unaffordable housing costs, reflecting the effects of explicitly and implicitly racist policies and practices in housing, employment, and other arenas.

Other factors have also contributed to California’s homelessness crisis, including the decades-long trend of stagnant wages for lower-wage workers and past failure to fund adequate mental and behavioral health services to meet needs in the community. The shortage of deeply affordable housing, however, is a fundamental driver of the crisis.

What public systems and supports can address the needs of people experiencing homelessness or play a role in preventing homelessness?

Many different local, state and federal public systems and services intersect with homelessness in important ways. 

Nearly 1 in 8 Californians did not have enough resources to meet their basic needs, according to the most recent California Poverty Measure data. This reflects the high cost of living in many parts of the state. In addition, the share in poverty is expected to increase for 2022, as pandemic-era public supports like the expanded federal Child Tax Credit expired. For all individuals experiencing homelessness, public supports that help people meet basic needs are important both to prevent and exit homelessness. These supports include but are not limited to: cash supports like SSI/SSP and CalWORKs, refundable tax credits like earned income tax credits (EITCs) and child tax credits, nutrition assistance programs like CalFresh and WIC, and Medi-Cal health coverage.

While only a minority of unhoused individuals struggle with serious mental health or substance use disorders, behavioral health services are vital supports for maintaining stable housing over the long term for those individuals.

Among youth, abusive or neglectful family situations can cause young people to leave their homes and become homeless, pointing to a role for the child welfare system in preventing and addressing youth homelessness.

Domestic violence can also be the trigger that pushes individuals into homelessness, especially women and mothers with children. Services that directly address the experiences and needs of domestic violence survivors are important to prevent and address homelessness for these individuals.

The justice system has an impact on many unhoused individuals as well. This is both because of laws that criminalize homelessness (e.g., laws that make public camping punishable by citation or arrest) and because individuals who have a conviction record or are reentering the community after incarceration face daunting barriers to securing and maintaining stable housing. These factors compound challenges in helping individuals find safe, affordable housing.

What are effective, evidence-based ways to address homelessness? 

Extensive research shows there are several evidence-based approaches that are effective in helping people successfully exit homelessness and maintain stable housing. 

For all individuals experiencing homelessness, interventions that use a “housing first” approach have a strong track record of success. Housing first — as its name suggests — focuses on moving people into permanent housing as the first priority, before focusing on meeting other needs or connecting with other services.

For the minority of individuals who are chronically homeless and have serious physical or mental health challenges, supportive housing — or permanent housing paired with case management and support services — is an approach that research shows is effective in enabling individuals to exit homelessness and achieve housing stability. About one-third of Californians experiencing homelessness on a given night are chronically homeless with serious health challenges.

Having a place to call home is the most basic foundation for health and well-being no matter one’s age, gender, race, or zip code.

Housing vouchers, shallow rental subsidies, and targeted programs for specific subpopulations  — such as veterans, homeless youth, or domestic violence survivors — are additional tools to help individuals successfully return to stable housing.

Interim housing, like motel stays, emergency shelters, and tiny homes, can also be necessary short-term strategies to get people off the street so that they are not unsheltered. These options can contribute to solving homelessness if coupled with services that focus on moving individuals into permanent housing as quickly as possible.

State funding to address homelessness has recently increased, but the number of people experiencing homelessness did not decrease. Why is that the case?

Effectively addressing homelessness requires a system of housing and services with enough capacity and investment to meet the needs of all Californians who are experiencing homelessness in every region of the state. Building that capacity requires investing in proven effective approaches at a scale that meets the need — and then providing reliable ongoing funding so that effective efforts can be sustained. Partnership between the state, federal, and local governments is important to mobilize the resources needed for impact at scale.

California first dedicated significant state dollars to address homelessness only a few years ago, and state investments have primarily consisted of one-time funding. The 2021-22 state budget first included a multi-year commitment of $1 billion annually to support local homelessness efforts, with intent to continue “based on performance and need.” In addition, there were significant investments in housing supports for special populations, such as families with children, and support to acquire and develop housing specifically to meet the needs of individuals experiencing homelessness. The 2022-23 state budget further built on these investments, including maintaining the $1 billion support for local homelessness efforts and incorporating $1 billion to expand bridge housing for individuals experiencing homelessness with serious mental illness.

These recent increases in state funding have not been accompanied by a drop in the number of Californians experiencing homelessness. Why? The COVID-19 pandemic is a key factor. Both health and economic effects of the pandemic have directly affected homelessness services and put more individuals at risk of homelessness.

At the start of the pandemic, to protect the health of vulnerable individuals experiencing homelessness — and public health more broadly — policymakers and service providers pivoted remarkably quickly to implement new models of non-congregate shelter, with California leading the way in developing innovative new approaches. Launching these new models required significant up-front investment of time and funding, which was necessary in the short-term to protect the health of individuals, and is expected to produce sustained payoff by building a safer and more effective long-term model for interim housing.

At the same time, the economic effects of the pandemic have put more Californians at risk of falling into homelessness. Since the start of the pandemic, rents have increased significantly. Record-high inflation more generally has pinched household budgets, and Californians with the lowest incomes have been hit the hardest.

Given these significant pandemic headwinds, the recent increases in state funding to address homelessness have likely played several vital roles. These include preventing many unhoused Californians from experiencing severe health effects or dying from COVID-19; preventing a substantially larger increase in the number of Californians experiencing homelessness; and building California’s long-term capacity to address homelessness more effectively.

When addressing a complex challenge like homelessness — particularly in the shadow of a global pandemic — progress takes time, and sustained commitment by policymakers is critical. Maintaining and building on recent state budget investments to address homelessness, to meet the full scale of need, can enable California to achieve a functional end to homelessness. The experience of homelessness for Californians would then be rare, brief, and non-recurring for individuals and across communities.

At the same time, the widespread shortage of affordable permanent housing continues to drive Californians into homelessness. As a result, it is also critical to invest in expanding the state’s supply of affordable housing, especially rental housing affordable to households with the lowest incomes. Both housing development and tenant-based rent subsidies can play a role in making more housing available that is deeply affordable.

Bottom line: Ending homelessness is possible, but persistence is required. There are many opportunities for the state to leverage its resources to ensure all Californians have a home.


Support for this report was provided by the Conrad N. Hilton Foundation.

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Building a just and equitable California for every person no matter their race, ethnicity, gender, age, or zip code requires investments to create health, housing, economic, and educational opportunities. But an archaic spending limit approved by some California voters under a 1979 ballot measure challenges our state’s ability to meet the ongoing needs of Californians. Known by many names — the spending cap, appropriations limit, or Gann Limit — this convoluted budget constraint blocks the state’s ability to build a better and more equitable future.

This Gann Limit Q&A addresses top questions on the spending cap and why California leaders and voters need to rethink the disco-era measure to create healthy, thriving communities for all Californians.

1. What are the origins of the Gann Limit?

The Gann Limit is a constitutional spending cap approved by voters via Proposition 4 in a 1979 special election. Prop. 4 emerged from California’s anti-tax movement of the 1970s. The measure’s key proponent, Paul Gann, also co-authored Prop. 13 — the 1978 initiative that severely restricted property taxes and drastically limited the ability of local jurisdictions to raise revenues for education and community services such as libraries, parks, and fire protection.

Prop. 4 and Prop. 13 were approved by a majority-white electorate during a time when the state’s population was becoming more diverse and white Californians’ support for robust public services was in decline.

2. How does the Gann Limit work?

The Gann Limit applies to both state spending and, as explained in question #5, spending by local governments and school districts. At the state level, the limit is based on California’s 1978-79 spending level, which is then adjusted each year for changes in population and per capita personal income. In essence, the Gann Limit enshrined into the state’s Constitution the budget priorities of the late 1970s — even though the needs of Californians have dramatically changed since the disco era.

If revenues exceed the limit over a two-year period, state policymakers must provide half of the revenue over that limit to taxpayers and the other half to K-14 education. Policymakers have some discretion over how to distribute the portion going to taxpayers. In contrast, the portion going to K-14 education must be distributed on a per-pupil basis, which is an inequitable approach that treats all schools the same regardless of their students’ needs.

Alternatively, policymakers have limited options to structure budgets to avoid going over the limit, as explained in question #6. In either case, state leaders lose the flexibility to spend revenues in ways that address critical ongoing needs of Californians, including health care, child care, and housing assistance. For an in-depth explanation of how the Gann Limit works, see this April 2021 report by the Legislative Analyst’s Office.

3. Why does this spending limit matter today?

For most of the last two decades, state revenues were far enough below the Gann Limit that it did not have a significant impact on budgeting decisions. However, when the state’s revenues grow faster than population and personal income, as they have in recent years, the Gann Limit comes into play and dictates how a large share of the budget can be spent.

Big revenue gains primarily come from personal income taxes paid by high-income households, who experience much faster income growth than the typical Californian, and who pay higher tax rates under the state’s progressive income tax system. While there will be years when the Gann Limit is less of a factor in state budget decisions, over the long run the spending cap will likely continue to impose budget constraints to the extent that state revenues grow faster than the limit itself, as has been the case historically.

4. How does the Gann Limit threaten ongoing investments to help Californians thrive?

The Gann Limit challenges California’s ability to maintain current service levels and to raise revenues to make bold new investments to help more Californians prosper.

The Gann Limit is just one of several budget formulas in the state Constitution that dictate how revenues can be spent. Prop. 98, approved by voters in 1988, creates a guaranteed annual minimum funding level for K-14 education. Prop. 2, approved by voters in 2014, requires the state to direct some revenues to paying down debts and adding to the state’s main budget reserve (the Budget Stabilization Account). When revenues exceed the Gann Limit, each dollar above the limit must meet all three requirements: Gann, Prop. 98, and Prop. 2. This means that each $1 of “excess” revenue results in more than $1 in state budget obligations.  Addressing all three obligations could force state leaders to cut public services outside of K-14 education, such as health care, child care, and cash assistance as well as the state university systems.

In addition to undercutting the state’s ability to support current service levels, the spending cap, if left unchanged, will undermine efforts to raise enough revenue to fund significant new ongoing investments to help all Californians thrive. These include investments to expand affordable child care, increase pay for child care providers, and adequately address the homelessness and affordable housing crises.

Cutting critical services and failing to address the biggest challenges facing the state would significantly harm Californians with low incomes who may not be able to make ends meet without the help of public supports. Many Californians of color are at particular risk because of historical and ongoing discrimination that has often limited them to low-paying, undervalued jobs and blocked them from opportunities to build wealth.

5. Does the Gann Limit affect local governments and school districts?

The Gann Limit generally applies to local governments — cities, counties, and special districts — as well as to K-12 and community college districts, all of which could be impacted in the years to come. Many school districts regularly exceed their spending caps, although the state is currently able to provide relief to these districts by counting certain district expenditures toward the state’s own limit. In general, few cities or counties are currently at risk of exceeding their limits.

However, in future years, the Gann Limit could put pressure on local budgets, particularly for cities and counties that seek revenue increases to bolster local services like affordable housing, health care, parks, and libraries.

6. What can state leaders do about the Gann Limit?

State leaders have some ability to structure budgets to avoid exceeding the limit in the near term. For example, they can spend more on things that are excluded from the limit, such as:

  • infrastructure projects, including housing;
  • emergency response; 
  • tax refunds;
  • some transfers of state funds to local governments; and
  • spending to comply with court and federal mandates.

Policymakers can also reduce revenues to avoid going over the limit, such as by expanding tax credits like the California Earned Income Tax Credit and Young Child Tax Credit.

Finally, some of the Gann Limit rules are spelled out in state statute rather than in the state Constitution. In these cases, lawmakers have limited opportunities to change the law to ease some Gann Limit pressures. For example, state leaders made some changes in the 2021-22 and 2022-23 state budgets to avoid exceeding the limit, including allowing more flexibility in deciding whether to count state funding for local governments under the state or local limits.

However, in the long run, the Gann Limit’s restrictive rules may jeopardize existing services and many kinds of ongoing expenditures, such as big new investments in affordable child care or health care.

Even though a period of weak revenue growth may temporarily keep the state under the spending cap, the Gann Limit will roar back to life when revenues pick up again. In order to address the long-run threats posed by the limit, state leaders should ask California voters to change the state Constitution to modify or eliminate the spending cap. This would allow the state to both support the rising costs of current services and leave room for significant new ongoing investments to address the critical needs of Californians.

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Every Californian deserves to feel secure in their ability to keep a roof over their head, put food on the table, have transportation to get to their jobs, school, and other activities, and meet their basic needs. But even as California’s economy has recovered the jobs lost due to the COVID-19 recession, California workers, families, and individuals have been hit with another challenge in the rising costs of goods and services — including but not limited to gas prices. At the same time, corporations have been reaping record profits.

Governor Newsom proposed a “windfall tax” or “price gouging penalty” in fall 2022 to capture a share of the extraordinary recent profits of oil companies operating in the state and return it to Californians impacted by high gas prices. The governor has said that he will call a special session of the Legislature to take up this proposal. This Q&A discusses the concept of a windfall profits tax, why Governor Newsom is calling for such a tax on oil companies, and how it could impact Californians.

What is a windfall profits tax?

In general, a “windfall profits tax” or “excess profits tax” is intended to tax the portion of a corporation’s profits that exceed some specified “normal” level. Excess profits might represent advantages a corporation has due to market concentration and lack of competition or due to an external event like a war, natural disaster, or a pandemic — or a combination of these factors.

For example, during WWI, WWII, and the Korean War, the US put in place excess profits taxes that were intended to discourage some corporations, such as weapons manufacturers, from receiving outsized benefits due to war.

In the 1980s, the US instituted a “Crude Oil Windfall Profits Tax,” but it was not a true tax on excess profits. Instead, it was an excise tax on domestic oil production applied to the difference between the market price of a barrel of oil and a base price.

There have also been proposals by some academics, advocacy groups, and federal policymakers for windfall profits taxes on corporations that have seen record profits during COVID-19 while many Americans have suffered the health and economic consequences of the pandemic.

What is the difference between a windfall profits tax and a corporate income tax?

There are several ways to structure a windfall profits tax. But the main difference between a windfall profits tax and a corporate income tax is:

  • A regular corporate income tax takes a percentage of a corporation’s total profits (revenues minus costs and other deductions allowed for tax purposes).
  • A windfall or excess profits tax is designed to get at those profits above a normal rate of return on investment or above the average profits during a baseline period.

And while a corporate income tax is levied on corporations’ profits every year, a windfall profits tax is generally a temporary tax in place for a specified period of time such as during a war or a period of high oil prices.

However, an excess profits tax could be implemented on a permanent basis if designed to tax profits above a specific rate of return or profit margin. In this case, the intent would be to capture some of the extraordinary profit a business receives by virtue of having a high degree of market power, control of some natural resource, or some other advantage, rather than just capturing the windfall profits received due to some external event like a war, pandemic, or natural disaster. In fact, a permanent tax may be a more effective policy since it is less likely to discourage investment as it is more stable and predictable.

Why is Governor Newsom proposing a windfall profits tax now?

Governor Newsom has drawn attention to the fact that oil companies have seen record profits recently while many Californians are struggling with high gas prices. He has suggested that oil companies are using their market power to price-gouge Californians. To the extent that this is true, it may be sensible for policymakers to recapture some of the undue profits oil companies have made and return them to Californians.

If policymakers do enact a windfall profits tax, California would likely be the first state to do so. However, some European countries have recently enacted various versions of temporary windfall taxes targeted at energy companies in response to rising prices in that sector.

Should California policymakers adopt a windfall profits tax on oil companies?

In general, it’s reasonable to tax excessive profits a corporation receives due to monopoly power or taking advantage of a crisis. Corporate profit margins have been at or near long-time highs, and not just for the energy sector. And corporate profits have accounted for a significantly larger share of price increases over the past few years compared to the average over the previous four decades, while many corporate executives have recently discussed on investor calls how they have benefited from keeping prices high.

However, if policymakers choose to move forward with this proposal, they should be prudent when designing it to minimize unintended consequences that could harm Californians, such as reductions in supply leading to even higher prices. The “Crude Oil Windfall Profits Tax” that was in place in the US from 1980 to 1988 — which was actually a tax based on the price of a barrel of oil instead of oil company profits — was not very successful, raising significantly less revenue than projected and contributing to a reduction in domestic oil production and an increased reliance on foreign imports.

Policymakers have many options for ensuring that corporations making excessive profits — including but not limited to oil companies — are paying their fair share in state taxes. Since the early 1980s, the share of corporations’ California income that they pay in state taxes has fallen by about half. This significant drop is a result of factors including reductions in the official corporate tax rate in the 1980s and 1990s as well as the enactment of multiple corporate tax breaks which disproportionately advantage large and multinational corporations, have uncertain economic effects, and cost the state billions in revenues each year.

Policymakers can eliminate or limit some of these costly tax breaks and increase the corporate income tax rate on the most profitable corporations. State leaders could also explore adopting a permanent tax on oil and gas extraction — known as a “severance tax” — as many other states already have. The additional revenue raised from these measures could then be used to help ensure all Californians can thrive in their communities.

How should California use the revenues from a windfall profits tax or other corporate tax increases?

Californians have been hit by rising costs of almost everything this year — from gas to groceries to rent and more. These price increases are especially harmful to Californians with low incomes, who struggle to afford the basics even in times when inflation is low. About 2 in 3 California households with incomes below $35,000 reported having trouble paying for their usual expenses in September and October 2022, as did nearly half of those with incomes between $35,000 and $75,000.

People with low incomes are hit hardest by inflation because they need to spend larger shares of their income to meet their basic needs like food, housing, and transportation, which have been subject to large increases. They also have less ability to change their spending patterns to reduce the impact of inflation on their budgets, such as by switching to lower-cost versions of products, since they are likely already purchasing the lowest-cost versions. Black and Latinx households may also be disproportionately harmed by inflation as they are more likely to be renters than homeowners and rental inflation is generally higher than overall inflation.

Policymakers should keep these facts in mind when deciding how to distribute the revenue from a windfall tax — which likely would be much smaller than recent rounds of tax rebates for Californians — or other strategies to improve the taxation of profitable corporations. Additionally, as state leaders work to craft the state’s 2023-24 budget, they should avoid giving away tax breaks to corporations and prioritize the pressing needs of Californians who are struggling the most with the costs of living, such as by protecting and strengthening cash assistance and other supports to help families with the costs of child care, health care, and housing.

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All Californians deserve to be able to put food on the table, pay the rent, and meet their basic needs. In short, no Californian should ever live in poverty.

Our state should aspire to be a place where no child or adult struggles to afford their basic needs, and there’s proof that it can be a reality. Recent data released by the US Census Bureau show that poverty — especially for children — significantly dropped nationally and in California in 2021, and would have been much higher if not for public supports.

That’s good news that may be unexpected as the effects of the pandemic and inflation are still very real for California children, adults, and families struggling to make ends meet. So many may be wondering: How did poverty rates drop across the US and California? And amid the pandemic no less.

The answer is simple: Poverty is a policy choice. When we choose to provide the basic support families and individuals need to thrive — as policymakers did via tax credits and other support — it really works.

What is the Supplemental Poverty Measure? And why is it important?

Public policies work best when they are crafted with reliable data and provide positive and measurable results at both the macro level and personal level for our communities.

To measure poverty in California and the success of poverty reduction strategies, we rely on data from the US Census Bureau which routinely surveys households across the country. Each September the Census releases new data that show what share of the population experienced poverty in the prior year — under the official poverty measure and the Supplemental Poverty Measure — for California and states across the country, as well as the United States as a whole.

The Supplemental Poverty Measure (SPM) is vital because it provides a more accurate picture of poverty by accounting for local differences in the cost of housing and accounting for expenses that families must pay like health care and child care. The SPM also accounts for a wide variety of safety net supports, including those that are not direct cash payments — including tax credits, food assistance, and housing subsidies. The official poverty measure does not adjust for differences in the costs of living and ignores non-cash benefits. This makes the official poverty measure less useful to evaluate poverty in California as well as the effectiveness of poverty reduction measures.

Bottom line: The SPM captures how much it costs to pay for basic needs and the resources people have available to pay for them.

Want to learn more about poverty measures?

Check out the Budget Center’s guide to understanding poverty measures in California.

Poverty dropped from 2020 to 2021 nationally and in California — what’s behind the drop in poverty, especially for kids?

Multiple factors likely contributed to the drop in poverty year over year, including the improving job market. Data show too that strong public policies played an especially key role in the low poverty rates seen in 2021. To combat the uncertainties of the pandemic and our economy, state and federal governments provided additional support directly to people, and this made the difference for many families in having the resources to pay for food, housing, diapers, and other basic necessities.

Refundable tax credits were especially effective in boosting family resources in 2021, particularly because of temporary expansions of federal credits last year. Without these credits, overall poverty would have been significantly higher in 2021.

Unfortunately, the temporary expansion to the federal Child Tax Credit that lifted nearly 3 million children out of poverty nationally last year has now expired due to Congress’ failure to permanently expand the credit. The temporary expansion of the federal Earned Income Tax Credit (EITC) for workers without dependent children has also expired. But the evidence is clear — federal policymakers can significantly lower poverty by permanently expanding the Child Tax Credit and the EITC and state policymakers can build on the success of California’s refundable tax credits, the CalEITC and Young Child Tax Credit.

How did housing costs affect California’s poverty rate?

There is no question safe, stable housing is the foundation to families’ basic needs being met, yet the cost of housing is a challenge in many parts of the state — and high housing costs directly affect California’s SPM poverty rate.

California’s poverty rate in 2021 was higher under the Supplemental Poverty Measure than under the official poverty measure — and this has been true in every year that SPM poverty data have been available, going back more than 10 years. This is mainly because, as previously noted, the SPM accounts for local differences in housing costs, so that families need more resources to be categorized as above the SPM poverty threshold (and not experiencing poverty) in places where housing is expensive, which include many parts of California. These data point to another way policymakers can effectively reduce poverty — by addressing California’s housing affordability challenges, through boosting the supply of affordable housing, protecting tenants, and providing direct support to help people afford housing costs.

Why does it matter for everyday Californians that the poverty rate dropped?

The lower 2021 poverty rate shows that our economy and safety net can work better for everyday Californians when good policy and investment come together to help people meet their basic needs. It reveals how many people can meet basic expenses like housing, food, child care, and other necessities — and it also reveals where our public policies are sorely failing.

A lower poverty rate under the Supplemental Poverty Measure means fewer families worrying about where their next meal comes from or wondering if they can keep the lights on. And while the encouraging Census data does not diminish the fact that the high cost of housing and recent high inflation have made it even more difficult for families to flourish in California communities, it does help us understand how we can build on public policies that work to help families now and in the future.

Poverty data from 2021 show that when increased state and federal support was provided, more people were able to count on having enough resources to make ends meet.

What were the primary forms of assistance people received to help meet their basic needs?

Safety net programs that help people pay for food, health care, housing, child care, and other basic needs are essential to the well-being of our people and state.

Current safety net programs — including those used to successfully lower poverty rates in 2021 — are a combination of state and federal supports aimed at helping individuals and families pay for basic needs. These programs can be divided into three categories including cash supports, tax credits, and non-cash benefits.

  • Cash support through tax credits: Federal Child Tax Credit and EITC, state CalEITC and Young Child Tax Credit, as well as child and dependent care tax credits and pandemic stimulus payments.
  • Other cash supports: Social Security, TANF (known as CalWORKs in California), Supplemental Security Income/State Supplementary Payment (SSI/SSP), Unemployment Insurance.
  • Non-cash benefits: SNAP food assistance (known as CalFresh in California), Supplemental Nutrition Program for Women, Infants, and Children (WIC), school meals, energy assistance, and housing subsidies like federal Housing Choice Vouchers.

Together, these programs significantly reduced poverty, particularly child poverty, in California in 2021.

Additional programs that help reduce the out-of-pocket costs people must pay for necessary expenses — particularly Medi-Cal health coverage and subsidized child care — also reduced the number of Californians experiencing poverty last year.

It’s important to remember that each program has unique and sometimes burdensome processes to receive assistance. Moving forward, policymakers should streamline and strengthen existing programs in order to further reduce poverty every year.

What can policymakers learn from the latest poverty data?

First and foremost, the latest Census data show us that poverty is a policy choice — we can choose to provide support needed so that families and individuals can thrive.

Federal and state governments have effective tools — like refundable tax credits — for getting cash to people and rapidly reducing poverty. When we prioritize the health and well-being of everyday people regardless of their race, age, or immigration status the result will be a country where far fewer people experience poverty and its devastating consequences.

State and federal policymakers should boost investment in the policies and tools we know are effective in helping families and individuals meet their basic needs to end poverty in California and across the country.

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A California where all individuals – regardless of zip code, race, gender, immigration status, or education status – have the resources to provide for their needs through unrestricted cash payments as well as unconditional, easily accessible support through the safety net. That is the vision of Guaranteed Income, also sometimes called basic income or guaranteed basic income. And government has a critical role in building an income floor below which no one can fall. As the COVID-19 pandemic and economic crisis amplified long-standing racial, gender, and income inequities in California and the US, as well as highlighted the critical need for bold investments to strengthen the safety net so that all people can meet basic needs, there is a growing and renewed movement around making Guaranteed Income a reality. 

But policy and implementation questions abound around how it can be done in California. This is the second of a two-part Q&A on Guaranteed Income with this report focused on practical questions about how a basic income could be implemented through state policy and how that could complement and strengthen existing public supports so that more people can meet their basic needs and thrive. For questions on what Guaranteed Income is, what values it supports, and where it has been tried in California and the US, take a look at the Budget’s Center’s part one Q&A: Understanding Guaranteed Income & Safety Net Support for Californians.

What are key issues for policymakers and community leaders to consider when implementing Guaranteed Income through ongoing public policy?

Implementing Guaranteed Income in California and across the US through policy means both providing new or expanded unrestricted cash support to individuals and improving existing safety net programs in ways that align with Guaranteed Income values. These values include recognizing that basic income should be guaranteed regardless of work status or any other status, providing unrestricted cash, and minimizing red tape and burdensome requirements for participants.

Making improvements within existing safety net programs is an important approach to implementing Guaranteed Income values in ongoing policy, with opportunities particularly to streamline access and remove burdensome or inequitable participation requirements, as discussed in our part one Understanding Guaranteed Income Q&A.

Significantly increasing cash support to individuals as an ongoing policy, at the state or local or federal level, requires thinking about options and tradeoffs in several areas, including:

  • Problem-solving how payments interact with or wrap around other public supports to maximize economic security for participants and efficient use of state or local funds
  • Choice of administrative systems to use for identifying eligible participants and delivering cash payments
  • Source of ongoing revenue to pay for the cash support
  • Scale of the program, including which individuals or groups to prioritize for eligibility

These issues are discussed in more detail throughout this Q&A.

How can Guaranteed Income cash payments work together with other kinds of public supports and safety net services to help children, families, and individuals meet their basic needs and not live in poverty?

Most California individuals and families with low incomes who would especially benefit from Guaranteed Income payments are also eligible for other types of public supports including: 

  • Food assistance, such as CalFresh or WIC
  • Health insurance, such as Medi-Cal 
  • Other cash supports, such as CalWORKs or SSI/SSP
  • Housing subsidies, such as Housing Choice Vouchers or LIHTC housing 
  • Student financial aid, such as Pell Grants and Cal Grants
  • Refundable tax credits, such as federal EITC and Child Tax Credit, and state CalEITC and Young Child Tax Credit

These supports are vital in helping people meet their basic needs – California’s poverty rate would be more than one and a half times as high without them, according to data from the California Poverty Measure. But these supports are not available to all Californians and on their own are often not sufficient to cover the costs of living in California. In fact, about 1 in 6 Californians were still living in poverty in 2019, after accounting for safety net programs – demonstrating the need for additional support such as Guaranteed Income payments.

To make sure Guaranteed Income truly can improve an individual’s or family’s economic security, it is important for cash payments to add to a family or individual’s total resources, on top of other available supports, and not reduce the total support they receive from all sources.

Doing this in practice can be challenging. Eligibility for other safety net programs often depends on how much income someone has, and even a slight increase in income from Guaranteed Income payments can sometimes make a recipient lose eligibility or get reduced benefits from other public supports. Specific rules for how Guaranteed Income payments affect eligibility are different for different supports. Some of these rules can be changed by local or state policymakers, while others are set by the federal government, since federal dollars provide part or all of the funding for most existing public supports available to Californians with low incomes. Different strategies for structuring and administering Guaranteed Income can help minimize reductions in other supports, often with tradeoffs in terms of which supports are most affected and how well administrative structures serve other Guaranteed Income priorities, like reaching the target population or allowing for recurring payments.

Thinking through the interactions of Guaranteed Income payments with other public supports is important for two reasons: first, to make sure individual recipients fully benefit from Guaranteed Income through increased economic resources; and second, to make sure Guaranteed Income funding is spent efficiently, with as much funding as possible going toward increasing recipients’ total family resources rather than replacing other supports that could have been paid for with federal dollars or other state or local funds.

More in this series

See the Budget Center’s part one Q&A: Understanding Guaranteed Income & Safety Net Support for Californians.

What options does California have at the state level for delivering Guaranteed Income payments?

California can most feasibly and efficiently provide Guaranteed Income cash payments through existing systems that reach millions of children, families, and individuals with low incomes.

One option is to use the state’s tax system, which provides tax refunds to millions of Californians with low incomes each year. A key advantage of using the tax system is that it would help ensure that the Guaranteed Income payments would not reduce the assistance people get from other public supports, such as CalFresh, as long as the payments were provided annually, since lump-sum tax refunds do not affect eligibility for most safety net supports. However, a key drawback of using the tax system is that some Californians with low incomes would likely miss out on the payments because they aren’t required to file taxes or because they don’t have a Social Security number or Individual Taxpayer Identification Number, which is required to file. Another disadvantage of using the tax system is that many people pay for-profit tax preparers to file their taxes, so some portion of the Guaranteed Income payments would go to tax preparers rather than the intended recipients.

Another potential option for providing Guaranteed Income payments is to piggyback on the systems the state uses to distribute payments for existing safety net programs such as CalWORKs, CalFresh, and SSI/SSP, by providing additional cash payments to individuals through these same systems. This approach would help address some of the challenges with providing cash through the tax system because it would reach Californians who don’t file taxes and be available without tax preparation fees. However, a key disadvantage is that Californians in need who are not already eligible for and accessing existing programs would be left out — unless a new program were developed to reach them. Addressing the changes that would be needed to state IT systems, as well as implications of payments for recipients’ eligibility for existing programs (as described in question 2), would also require problem-solving.

In the spring of 2021, California made use of both of these approaches simultaneously to provide cash payments on a one-time basis through the Golden State Stimulus I to around 6 million households with low incomes. Specifically, these payments went to tax filers claiming the CalEITC as well as recipients of CalWORKs, SSI/SSP, and the Cash Assistance Program for Immigrants (CAPI).

How could Guaranteed Income cash payments be funded at the state level?

California would need to raise significant new revenues to fund meaningful Guaranteed Income payments if they were provided to all Californians with low incomes because the amount needed would far exceed the resources available in the state’s budget, even given strong recent revenues projected in the proposed 2022-23 budget. For example, providing $1,000 per month to the 6.3 million Californians who couldn’t meet basic needs in 2019 would cost $63 billion annually – more than California spent on K-12 schools and community colleges that year. This cost could go up by tens of billions of dollars in years when many Californians lose jobs, face health and economic crises, and fall into poverty.

There are a number of important issues to consider in raising new revenues for a California Guaranteed Income payments policy. Most notably, California’s constitutional spending limit – the Gann Limit – restricts how much the state can spend each year and limits the state’s flexibility in spending additional revenues over that limit. Given that Gann limit spending restrictions are very likely to be triggered in the coming years, using new revenues to fund sizeable Guaranteed Income payments would likely not be feasible unless the Gann Limit were changed or eliminated, or the revenues raised for them were excluded from the Gann limit – all of which would require voter approval.

Another important issue to consider is how to ensure that sufficient funds are available for a sizable Guaranteed Income policy in times of recession. Though state revenues have remained strong during the economic disruption of COVID-19, revenues have declined dramatically during past recessions. Because California cannot spend more revenue than it has, it could be harder – if not impossible – to maintain state funding for large Guaranteed Income payments precisely when more Californians would likely need economic support.

One way California could implement a Guaranteed Income policy without needing to generate major new revenues would be to target payments to specific groups of Californians in need, which would lower the cost of the policy, making it feasible to fund with existing resources. One sensible strategy would be to provide Guaranteed Income payments to people who are not already benefiting – or not benefitting enough to meet basic needs – from other public supports. Locally-funded Guaranteed Income policies could use a similar approach. In this way, the Guaranteed Income policy would wrap around existing programs, helping to establish an income floor across programs by filling in gaps in eligibility and aid.

more in this series

Watch our Empower event: The Future of Cash Supports to learn about the future of cash supports in California.

Who could state or local policymakers consider targeting with Guaranteed Income payments?

Californians who could particularly benefit from Guaranteed Income payments because they often fall through the cracks of existing safety net services and supports include adults who are not supporting children in their homes, Californians who are undocumented or live in mixed-status families, people who were formerly incarcerated, transition-age youth in foster care or exiting the foster care system, domestic violence survivors, and people experiencing homelessness. Guaranteed Income payments that reach large numbers of Black Californians, indigenous people, and other Californians of color can help the state and local governments advance racial equity by providing support to individuals who have been blocked from income and wealth building opportunities through centuries of racist policies and practices.

What are some examples of current policy proposals that would implement aspects of Guaranteed Income through state policy?

Many proposals moving through the state budget and policymaking process for 2022-23 incorporate Guaranteed Income components or values and could help children, families, and individuals with low incomes have additional cash and resources to pay for food, housing, and other day-to-day life needs.

Some examples of current proposals to increase unrestricted cash payments include:

  • Providing a larger minimum refundable tax credit to low-income workers eligible for the CalEITC
  • Backfilling the expired expanded federal Child Tax Credit by providing a large per-child tax credit payment to low-income parents eligible for the CalEITC
  • Providing a flat refundable tax credit for young adults who are former foster youth
  • Providing a monthly cash payment for three years to Californians who age out of the Extended Foster Care Program
  • Accelerating the start of the proposed boost to the state-funded SSP payments for SSI recipients 
  • Increasing CalWORKs grants above the deep poverty threshold for families that include a family member ineligible for assistance
  • Providing unrestricted state-funded “baby bonds” savings accounts, accessible at age 18, for children in foster care or whose parent has died from COVID-19

Some examples of current proposals to improve existing safety net programs by adopting Guaranteed Income values, such as unconditional support and streamlined access to health care, food, and economic support, include:

  • Including undocumented Californians age 26 to 49 (the final excluded age group) in eligibility for Medi-Cal
  • Including all undocumented Californians in eligibility for nutrition assistance through the California Food Access Program, which provides benefits identical to CalFresh
  • Allowing children ages 0 to 5 who enroll in Medi-Cal to maintain continuous eligibility without having to resubmit paperwork 
  • Reforming the CalWORKs Work Participation Rate policy to remove the financial incentive for counties to push CalWORKs parents into paid employment instead of addressing longer-term barriers to work and well-being
  • Removing the requirement that parents document at least $1 in earnings to be eligible to claim the Young Child Tax Credit

These proposals represent potential next steps in implementing Guaranteed Income through state policy. Taking these kinds of steps now – while working toward longer-term improvements and investments at the federal, state, and local levels – can move California toward a time when all Californians are respectfully supported with the resources they need to meet their basic needs and thrive.

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Introduction

The COVID-19 pandemic and economic crisis amplified long-standing racial, gender, and income inequities in California and the US and highlighted the critical need for bold investments to strengthen the safety net so that all people can meet basic needs, crisis or not. 

In particular, the pandemic accelerated a growing movement around Guaranteed Income the idea that government should provide people with unconditional cash support to ensure that everyone has a minimum level of income to meet basic needs. This once radical concept went mainstream during the pandemic as the federal response to the crisis centered on cash-based policies, including recovery rebates, new federal unemployment benefits, and a significantly expanded federal Child Tax Credit. The success of these policies, together with emerging success stories from local Guaranteed Income pilots that started before the pandemic, helped build energy around providing unconditional cash as a permanent public policy.

Understanding what Guaranteed Income is, what values it promotes, and what it means for our existing safety net is important as policymakers and advocates look to guide the state in recovering from the pandemic and building an equitable California for its people and communities. This is the first of a two-part Q&A series on Guaranteed Income and California’s safety net; part two will focus on key questions about implementation of Guaranteed Income.

What is Guaranteed Income and how does it compare to Universal Basic Income and to other safety net supports?

Guaranteed Income (sometimes called basic income or guaranteed basic income) is an unconditional, often recurring cash payment provided by the government intended to help build an income floor below which no one can fall. Unlike Universal Basic Income (or UBI), which is envisioned to reach all people even those with significant income or wealth Guaranteed Income is intended to target communities most in need of cash. In this respect, Guaranteed Income is similar to other need-based cash supports and safety net programs, which aim to help people meet basic needs. 

Proponents of Guaranteed Income envision it as more accessible to people than existing safety net programs because it comes without the policy and administrative strings often attached to other supports, such as work requirements though as discussed below, there are also opportunities within existing safety net programs to remove barriers and improve access. Guaranteed Income is also often envisioned to reach Californians who are blocked from existing supports due to discriminatory federal and state policies, such as people who are undocumented or people who were formerly incarcerated.

What are the origins of Guaranteed Income in the US? 

The modern concept of a guaranteed income in the US can be traced to racial and gender justice movements of the 1960s. The Black Panther Party’s platform declared that government has a responsibility to guarantee everyone a job or a minimum income. Similarly, Martin Luther King, Jr. called for a job for everyone who wants to work or a guaranteed income in his final book, Where Do We Go From Here? Chaos or Community. In addition, the National Welfare Rights Organization, which was led primarily by Black mothers, fought to change racist and sexist narratives around welfare and argued that everyone should be guaranteed a decent standard of living as a right, regardless of whether they work for pay.

What are the key ideas and values behind Guaranteed Income and providing direct cash support to people?

Three key ideas included in the concept of Guaranteed Income have a strong basis in equity values that guide how a society can enable people to live and thrive in their communities. Research evidence also backs up the effectiveness of these approaches for supporting people in meeting their basic needs:

1. Recognizing that basic economic security should be guaranteed regardless of work status: All people should have access to the support they need to meet their basic needs. This core value should hold firm regardless of whether an adult has a job or not and whether a child’s parent or guardian is working for pay or not. Work requirements have a long racist history in the US, directly contributing to racial inequities in who struggles to meet basic needs. Yet many public supports in the US require that individuals or families show that they have earned income or have completed work requirements in order to be eligible for support. The share of public support that is only available to people who are working has increased in recent years, blocking access for many individuals and families at the highest risk of experiencing homelessness, hunger, and other hardships. 

Research shows that most California households with low incomes are already working anyway they simply do not earn enough to get by because of low wages combined with unaffordable costs for housing, child care, and other necessities. Research on welfare-to-work programs also has found that work requirements were not linked to meaningful improvements in stable employment or reductions in poverty for program participants. Providing basic needs support without excluding people who are not working for pay is a more effective and more equitable policy approach.  

2. Providing unrestricted cash support: In terms of values, unrestricted cash support respects the dignity and autonomy of recipients by allowing people to choose for themselves the best way to spend their resources. Also, when support is provided as unrestricted cash, families and individuals have the flexibility to address whichever needs are most pressing. In this way, cash can be more effective and efficient than providing support in the form of in-kind benefits (like food or clothing) that may or may not address a family’s most urgent current needs. 

Studies have demonstrated that unrestricted cash support for households with low incomes is linked to better physical health, mental health, and school achievement, and increases in children’s employment and earnings in adulthood. Emerging research specifically from recent Guaranteed Income pilot projects has also shown promising results. 

3. Minimizing red tape and burdensome requirements for participants: Simplifying and streamlining access to supports is important to ensure that complicated paperwork and burdensome participation requirements do not block individuals and families from receiving the support they need. 

Research in California and nationally documents that people who are eligible for support often fall through the cracks simply because of bureaucratic processes that are difficult to navigate. In fact, burdensome administrative processes have often been intentionally deployed to block eligible people from accessing public support – particularly Black and brown people. Removing these barriers is important to make public support systems more equitable.

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See the Budget Center’s part two Q&A: Implementing Guaranteed Income Through Cash and a Strong Safety Net

Are there opportunities to improve existing safety net programs and public supports in ways that align with promising features of Guaranteed Income?

Existing public safety net programs are critical to helping millions of Californians make ends meet. Safety net programs that help people meet their needs for health care, food, housing, child care, and other basic needs provide support to more than 1 in 3 Californians every year, and research shows that California’s poverty rate (under the California Poverty Measure) would be more than one and a half times as high without these important public supports. 

There are many policy and administrative opportunities to apply key ideas from Guaranteed Income to improve these existing public supports particularly in terms of streamlining access and removing burdensome or inequitable participation requirements. For example, in the early stages of the COVID-19 pandemic temporary changes were adopted for supports such as CalWORKs (or TANF), CalFresh (or SNAP), and Medi-Cal (or Medicaid) that reduced required paperwork and office visits and removed work requirements in order to facilitate access to needed assistance. Maintaining and building on these types of changes would make existing supports more equitable and would align with Guaranteed Income values and practices. Proactively coordinating eligibility and application processes across the systems that administer different supports would also streamline access to needed resources. Some of these changes can be made by state and local policymakers, while others would require action by federal policymakers.

Where has Guaranteed Income been tried in California and the US? 

Guaranteed Income has not yet been implemented at scale as an ongoing federal, state, or local policy, but dozens of smaller-scale pilots are underway in California and the US, typically spearheaded by mayors or other local leaders. (See maps compiled by Mayors for a Guaranteed Income and the Stanford Basic Income Lab.) Two of the most well-known recently completed pilots include the Magnolia Mother’s Trust in Jackson, Mississippi, and the Stockton Economic Empowerment Demonstration (SEED), in Stockton, California.

At the state level, California recently became the first state to provide state funds to support local Guaranteed Income pilots. In 2017, Hawaii was the first state to explore Guaranteed Income as a possible state policy through a “basic economic security working group,” and Alaska has had a Universal Basic Income-like policy in place since 1982 the Alaska Permanent Fund, which pays annual dividends to every state resident based on state oil revenues.

What do recent changes to the federal Child Tax Credit show us about opportunities to expand unconditional cash support to families, similar to Guaranteed Income?

Recent changes to the federal Child Tax Credit show how policymakers can modify existing safety net programs to make them more like Guaranteed Income. The American Rescue Plan Act, signed into law in March 2021, made the Child Tax Credit fully available to families with the lowest incomes without any work requirements. This change is expected to extend the credit to 27 million more children, essentially establishing a Guaranteed Income for families with children in the US, helping to ensure that all children can grow up with support to meet their basic needs, whether or not their parents or guardians are working for pay. Although this change was put into place for just one year, advocates are working to make it permanent and to ensure that the credit is permanently extended to immigrant children who were excluded during the Trump Administration, so that all families with children can count on having a guaranteed income each year to meet their basic needs.

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