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key takeaway

Prop. 1, passed in March 2024, aims to strengthen California’s behavioral health system by funding mental health treatment, substance use disorder services, and supportive housing for veterans and individuals facing homelessness. Ensuring equitable access to these essential services is critical as the state works to address both housing insecurity and behavioral health needs across diverse populations.

Millions of Californians, including many facing housing insecurity, rely on county-provided services to address mental health conditions and substance use disorders. Strengthening the state’s behavioral health system is essential to guaranteeing that every Californian — regardless of race, age, gender identity, sexual orientation, or where they live — can access the care they need.

In March 2024, California voters narrowly passed Proposition 1 on the promise to improve the state’s behavioral health system and provide the housing support needed to successfully maintain mental health and substance use disorder services for all Californians.

Prop. 1 was a two-part measure that 1) amended California’s Mental Health Services Act and 2) created a $6.38 billion general obligation bond. The bond will fund behavioral health treatment and residential facilities, and supportive housing for veterans and individuals at risk of or experiencing homelessness with behavioral health challenges.

As the transformation of California’s county-based behavioral health system brings both benefits and potential challenges for Californians, this Q&A highlights key developments of Prop. 1 since its passage and addresses important questions and considerations that remain.

Key Acronyms

  • BHSA: Behavioral Health Services Act (formerly the Mental Health Services Act)
  • BHIBA: Behavioral Health Infrastructure Bond Act 
  • BHCIP: Behavioral Health Continuum Infrastructure Program
  • CalHHS: California Health and Human Services Agency
  • CalVet:  California Department of Veteran Affairs
  • DHCS: California Department of Health Care Services
  • HCD: California Department of Housing and Community Development

Key Terms

What does Prop. 1 do?

Prop. 1 significantly amended the Mental Health Services Act (MHSA), a law that California voters passed in 2004 that created a millionaire’s tax to provide increased funding for mental health services. Revenue from this tax is crucial to California’s behavioral health system as it accounts for nearly one-third of county behavioral health services funding. Prop. 1 renamed the law the Behavioral Health Services Act (BHSA) and made other changes, including:

  • Expanding its scope to encompass treatment for substance use disorders.
  • Modifying how revenue from the millionaire’s tax is allocated for behavioral health services.
  • Changing the requirements for counties’ three-year program and expenditure plan for behavioral health services and outcomes.
  • Revising accountability and transparency requirements for counties.

Prop. 1 additionally established a $6.38 billion behavioral health infrastructure bond. Roughly $4.4 billion is dedicated to the infrastructure development of treatment and residential care facilities. The remaining $2 billion is reserved for permanent supportive housing units specifically for veterans and other Californians with serious mental health conditions or substance use disorders. 

This initiative was designed to create targeted funding for mental health services and housing or treatment units for people with behavioral health conditions who are experiencing or at risk of homelessness. As such, these reforms will only serve a subset of Californians, as they do not cover everyone at risk of homelessness or all individuals with behavioral health conditions.

What do we know about the behavioral health infrastructure bond?

Major developments regarding Prop. 1 have primarily related to the Behavioral Health Infrastructure Bond Act (BHIBA). BHIBA created a $6.38 billion general obligation bond to fund the infrastructure development of treatment and residential sites as well as supportive housing. There are two programs funded by the bond which are overseen by different state departments:

HCD is aggregating two main funding sources for Homekey+ for a total of $2.25 billion for the upcoming November application cycle:

  • $1.98 billion from Prop. 1 bond funding, with $1.065 billion designated for veterans and $922 million for other people experiencing or at risk of homelessness. 
  • $323 million Homeless Housing, Assistance, and Prevention Program (HHAP) Homekey Supplemental funding appropriated in the 2023 and 2024 Budget Acts.

Homekey+ projects are required to demonstrate a funding match of at least 3 years for operating costs. For long-term sustainability, HCD is encouraging counties to pair the restructured BHSA housing intervention dollars and other funding sources for behavioral health treatment to provide long-term service and operating costs for Homekey+ projects. However, Homekey+ projects will be awarded before counties are required to have their new three-year BHSA expenditure plans approved, which may create budgeting challenges.

How are counties allocating Behavioral Health Services Act (BHSA) funds under Prop. 1?

Prop. 1 significantly reforms the allocation of MHSA (now BHSA) dollars to prioritize Californians who are most affected by severe behavioral health conditions (mental illness and substance use disorders) and homelessness.1SB 326 created the legislative language for the BHSA.

Under Prop. 1, counties continue to receive the bulk of BHSA funds (90%). However, the allocation across different spending categories would change. Counties would allocate their BHSA funds as follows:

Prop. 1 shifts a small percentage of dollars from counties to the state (from about 5% of total MHSA funding to about 10%). This would result in about $140 million annually redirected to the state budget. However, this amount could be higher or lower depending on the total amount of revenue collected from the tax.

Prop. 1 also revised the allocation of state-level funds:

  • At least 3% to the Department of Health Care Access and Information to implement a statewide behavioral health workforce initiative.
  • At least 4% to the California Department of Public Health for population-based mental health and substance use disorder prevention programs. A minimum of 51% of these funds must be used for programs serving Californians who are age 25 years or younger.

What are the new county reporting requirements under Prop. 1?

Prop. 1 changes the way counties plan and report behavioral health funding. 

Starting in 2025, counties will need to develop integrated county plans for the 2026-29 fiscal years. The steps for developing plans are similar to how counties developed plans under the MHSA — counties will still gather community input and receive approval from County Boards of Supervisors. However, a key change is that counties will now report on all behavioral health funding, not just BHSA dollars. This includes local, state, and federal funding sources such as opioid settlement funds, SAMHSA and PATH grants, realignment funding, and federal financial participation.

Counties will also be required to report on unspent funds, service utilization data, outcomes with a focus on health equity, workforce metrics, and other information. The Department of Health Care Services (DHCS) has the authority to impose corrective action plans on counties that fail to meet these requirements. Additionally, the State Auditor will release a report on the implementation of the BHSA by December 31, 2029, with follow-up reports every three years thereafter.

What do we know about implementation timelines?

Since the passage of Prop. 1 in March, various developments regarding both the behavioral health infrastructure bond and county guidance for BHSA reforms have surfaced.

Behavioral Health Infrastructure Bond

Treatment and Residential Sites — BHCIP

In July, the Department of Health Care Services (DHCS) released an expedited timeline to roll out $3.3 billion for the construction, renovation, or expansion of treatment and residential care facilities through the existing Behavioral Health Continuum Infrastructure Program (BHCIP). Round 1 applications for “launch ready” projects are currently being accepted through mid-December 2024. DHCS is prioritizing applicants working in regional models or collaborative partnerships focused on expanding residential treatment facilities. Awards for Round 1 are anticipated to be announced in May 2025 and Round 2 “unmet needs” project applications will be opened in the same timeframe for the remaining $1.1 billion bond funds.

Permanent Supportive Housing — Homekey+

The Department of Housing and Community Development (HCD), in conjunction with the Department of Veteran Affairs (CalVet), engaged with stakeholders on the roll out of the Homekey Plus (Homekey+) program. Homekey+ is expanding on the Homekey Program which funded the acquisition and conversion of property for permanent supportive housing during and after the COVID-19 pandemic. It is receiving roughly $2 billion in bond funds to develop supportive housing for people with behavioral health conditions, with $1.065 billion designated for veterans and $922 million for other people experiencing or at risk of homelessness. HCD was collecting stakeholder input through the end of September. Applications will open November 2024 with continuous award announcements beginning in May 2025.

Behavioral Health Services Act Reform

Since the passage of Prop. 1 in March 2024, the California Health and Human Services Agency (CalHHS) and the State Department of Health Care Services (DHCS) have held public listening sessions to share Prop. 1 implementation updates and collect feedback from counties and other interested groups.

DHCS, in coordination with other agencies and departments, is currently in the midst of stakeholder engagement to inform new county expenditure plans and reporting requirements under the BHSA.2Other departments and agencies include: CalHHS, the California Behavioral Health Planning Council, and the Behavioral Health Services Oversight and Accountability Commission. CalHHS plans to share full guidance to counties in early 2025.

In addition, Prop. 1 created a Behavioral Health Services Act Revenue and Stability Workgroup, which has held two meetings. This group is charged with developing and recommending solutions to reduce BHSA revenue volatility and to propose appropriate prudent reserve levels to support the sustainability of county programs and services.

To support Prop. 1 implementation, the Department of Health Care Access and Information (HCAI) is taking steps to improve the behavioral health workforce. HCAI recently presented its strategy on how to grow and diversify the behavioral health workforce to the California Health Workforce Education and Training Council, and will provide additional updates in November 2024. The behavioral health workforce shortage in California is a major obstacle to addressing the growing need for mental health and substance use disorder services.

What don’t we know about Prop. 1 implementation?

There are several critical questions and considerations surrounding the BHSA reforms and behavioral health bond funds that are yet to be addressed. As key Prop. 1 players continue to engage with stakeholders, roll out program details, and prepare to release additional county guidance in early 2025, the following fundamental questions are essential to understanding how these reforms will impact Californians and current behavioral health and housing systems. Key questions include:


  • 1
    SB 326 created the legislative language for the BHSA.
  • 2
    Other departments and agencies include: CalHHS, the California Behavioral Health Planning Council, and the Behavioral Health Services Oversight and Accountability Commission.

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This report was co-authored by Amy M. Traub, Senior Researcher and Policy Analyst at the National Employment Law Project.

key takeaway

California’s Unemployment Insurance (UI) system is severely underfunded and outdated, leaving workers with inadequate benefits and excluding millions. To revitalize UI and ensure it supports both workers and the economy, the state must raise the taxable wage base and reform its financing structure to eliminate the $19.8 billion debt and stabilize the system for future economic downturns.

When Californians are out of work, unemployment insurance (UI) should help them make the rent, put food on the table, and cover other basic needs until they can find a new job. During the worst days of the pandemic, millions of jobless workers across the state relied on UI benefits to make ends meet, supporting both their families and California’s economy until it could thrive again. UI is also critical for jobless workers during periods of economic growth: In May 2024, 379,955 California workers — laid off from industries including manufacturing and information — counted on UI as they sought new employment.1Employment Development Department, California Employers Gained 43,700 Nonfarm Payroll Jobs in May 2024, accessed June 21, 2024, https://edd.ca.gov/en/about_edd/news_releases_and_announcements/unemployment-may-2024/.

Yet without the federal supplements that were available during the pandemic downturn, California workers received an average UI benefit of just $368.53 a week in 2023, less than the income needed to afford fair market rent in any county in the state.2Average benefit amount based on US Department of Labor Employment and Training Administration, Unemployment Insurance Data, https://oui.doleta.gov/unemploy/data_summary/DataSum.asp; housing affordability based on National Low Income Housing Coalition, Out of Reach: The High Cost of Housing, 2023, https://nlihc.org/sites/default/files/oor/California_2023_OOR.pdf using an affordability standard of 30% of income for rent. At the same time, millions of California workers, including more than a million immigrant workers, are excluded from accessing unemployment insurance entirely.3Legislative Analyst’s Office, Extending Unemployment Insurance to Cover Excluded Workers, (March 28, 2023), https://lao.ca.gov/handouts/state_admin/2023/Unemployment-Insurance-032823.pdf.

To strengthen and expand UI to adequately support workers and the economy, California must address the severe and chronic underfunding of the UI trust fund, which has created a structural deficit and $19.8 billion in debt for the state’s UI system. The underlying problem is California’s deficient UI financing: For decades policymakers have not required businesses to cover the true cost of the unemployment benefits their workers need. Instead, the state taxes employers on only the first $7,000 of each employee’s pay, a dramatically lower wage base than most other states.

This report details how workers, employers, and the economy as a whole are paying a steep price for California’s inadequate UI financing system. It explores how both raising the taxable wage base and changing the state’s experience rating system will be necessary to strengthen and stabilize UI to better serve workers, employers, and the economy.

Unemployment Insurance is a Lifeline for California, But Low Benefits and Exclusions Undermine Its Effectiveness

The joint federal-state UI system was established in the wake of the Great Depression to protect workers and their families against the loss of employment income, to bolster the economy during economic downturns by supporting consumer demand, and to ensure jobseekers are not forced into substandard jobs that could broadly depress wages and degrade working conditions.

Today, economists recognize that UI also plays an important role in improving job matches, enhancing the overall functioning of the labor market, and helping employers match with workers who have the right skills, improving their efficiency.4Ammar Farooq, Adriana D. Kugler, and Umberto Muratori, “Do Unemployment Insurance Benefits Improve Match Quality? Evidence From Recent US Recessions,” National Bureau of Economic Research (2020), https://www.nber.org/system/files/working_papers/w27574/revisions/w27574.rev0.pdf. By giving workers time to match with more suitable jobs, UI also contributes to higher wages and greater job satisfaction when they find new work.5Nick Gwyn, State Cuts Continue to Unravel Basic Support for Unemployed Workers (Center on Budget and Policy Priorities, June 27, 2022), https://www.cbpp.org/research/state-budget-and-tax/state-cuts-continue-to-unravel-basic-support-for-unemployed-workers; Adriana D. Kugler, Umberto Muratori, and Ammar Farooq, The Impacts of Unemployment Benefits on Job Match Quality and Labour Market Functioning (Centre for Economic Policy Research, February 7, 2021), https://cepr.org/voxeu/columns/impacts-unemployment-benefits-job-match-quality-and-labour-market-functioning. Yet UI’s ability to fulfill any of these functions is weakened by California policymakers’ failure to raise the state’s low benefit levels or to include the significant numbers of workers who are locked out of the system entirely.

Unemployment benefits remain critical to workers who receive them. In 2022, UI prevented more than 400,000 people nationwide, including 116,000 children, from experiencing poverty.6Amy Traub, Unemployment Insurance Had Less Capacity to Cut Poverty in 2022 (National Employment Law Project, 2023), https://www.nelp.org/insights-research/unemployment-insurance-had-less-capacity-to-cut-poverty-in-2022/. Even for workers not facing poverty, receiving unemployment benefits reduces hardship and broadly improves the well-being of households, including recipients’ financial stability and mental health.7Patrick Carey, et al., “Applying for and Receiving Unemployment Insurance Benefits During the Coronavirus Pandemic,” Monthly Labor Review, US Bureau of Labor Statistics, September 2021, https://doi.org/10.21916/mlr.2021.19.

Yet benefits in California have not been raised in nearly two decades. With an average benefit of just $368.53 a week in 20238US Department of Labor, Employment and Training Administration, Unemployment Insurance Data, https://oui.doleta.gov/unemploy/data_summary/DataSum.asp., UI benefits no longer provide enough money for Californians — particularly those with low incomes — to meet the rising cost of living while seeking employment. As the California Budget & Policy Center pointed out earlier this year, a worker who loses a full-time minimum wage job (at $16.90-per-hour in Los Angeles County) receives just $1,465 in monthly unemployment benefits, which falls $69 short of covering rent for a studio in Los Angeles priced at Fair Market Rent.9Alissa Anderson and Hannah Orbach-Mandel, California Should Increase Unemployment Benefits to Help Workers Meet Basic Needs (California Budget & Policy Center, January 2024), https://calbudgetcenter.org/resources/california-should-increase-unemployment-benefits-to-help-workers-meet-basic-needs/ California’s UI benefits are significantly lower than other Western states, including Washington ($703.79 per week on average), Oregon ($543.81 per week), Nevada ($450.70 per week), and Hawaii ($613.30 per week), as shown in the figure below. California’s low benefits are even more striking considering the state’s higher cost of living.

At just $40 per week, California’s minimum UI benefit — the payment provided to workers who earned the lowest wages before becoming unemployed — is also among the nation’s lowest, falling below the minimum benefits provided by 29 other states. For example, Washington’s minimum benefit is seven times greater than California’s ($295 per week), while Arizona’s minimum benefit is $200 per week, and Oregon’s is $171. In addition, 12 states offer dependent allowances, providing a weekly supplement to UI benefits so that workers with children and other dependents have an additional resource to make ends meet. Despite its low average and minimum benefits, California offers no additional support to unemployed parents and other workers supporting dependents.

Low Unemployment Insurance Benefits Exacerbate Racial and Gender Inequities 

Low UI benefits can be especially harmful for workers of color, including American Indian, Black, Latinx, and Pacific Islander Californians — particularly women — who are overrepresented in low-paying jobs due to structural racism and sexism.10Jasmine Tucker and Julie Vogtman, When Hard Work Is Not Enough: Women in Low-Paid Jobs (National Women’s Law Center, April 2020), https://nwlc.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/04/Women-in-Low-Paid-Jobs-report_pp04-FINAL-4.2.pdf. Since benefit levels are based on prior wages, low-paid workers tend to receive lower UI benefits. Yet workers who lived paycheck-to-paycheck when they were employed face even greater hardship in trying to cover their expenses on benefits that are a small fraction of their paycheck. At the same time, workers of color typically have fewer financial resources other than UI benefits to draw on during unemployment compared to white workers, as a result of systematic exclusion from wealth-building opportunities over generations.11Angela Hanks, Danyelle Solomon, and Christian E. Weller, Systemic Inequality (Center for American Progress, February 21, 2018), https://www.americanprogress.org/article/systematic-inequality/.

California’s low benefit levels also undercut UI’s ability to fight recessions. This is particularly troubling because a strong UI system is among the most effective tools available to promote economic recovery: According to the International Monetary Fund, each dollar paid in UI benefits during the pandemic generated $1.92 of economic growth as workers and their families were able to continue spending on basic necessities.12Klaus-Peter Hellwig, Supply and Demand Effects of Unemployment Insurance Benefit Extensions: Evidence from US Counties (International Monetary Fund, 2021), https://www.imf.org/en/Publications/WP/Issues/2021/03/12/Supply-and-Demand-Effects-of-Unemployment-Insurance-Benefit-Extensions-Evidence-from-U-S-50112. This powerful impact was achieved because the federal government expanded UI benefits during the pandemic: A $600 a week supplement to regular state UI benefits early in the pandemic (later $300 a week) ensured that unemployed workers could keep spending money, supporting local businesses across the state. The expanded federal benefits also ensured that California jobseekers and their families were able to meet expenses far better than they could by relying solely on the state’s regular UI benefits.

Federal pandemic programs also expanded eligibility for UI benefits to self-employed workers, caregivers, misclassified independent contractors, part-time workers, and many underpaid workers who are typically shut out of California’s regular UI system. By expanding the share of unemployed workers who received support, federal pandemic programs further improved the ability of UI to stabilize the economy.

More than 1 million undocumented workers, who represent over 6% of California's workforce, were, notably, not included in the UI benefit expansions.13University of California Merced Community and Labor Center, Worker Relief: Expanding the Safety Net to Excluded Workers, April 2023, https://clc.ucmerced.edu/sites/clc.ucmerced.edu/files/page/documents/worker_relief_2022_2.pdf. California instituted a Disaster Relief Assistance for Immigrants (DRAI) program to provide limited, one-time financial assistance to unemployed immigrants who were not otherwise eligible for UI benefits. However, the amount of support was grossly inadequate to meet immigrant workers’ needs and fell far short of what other Californians received, with researchers finding that unemployed citizen workers in California were eligible for up to 20 times more aid than the state’s undocumented workers in the first year of the pandemic.14University of California Merced Community and Labor Center, Essential Fairness: The Case for Unemployment Benefits for California’s Undocumented Immigrant Workers, March 2022, https://clc.ucmerced.edu/sites/clc.ucmerced.edu/files/page/documents/essential_fairness.pdf.

Workers who are on strike are also excluded from UI benefits, even though they miss paychecks and risk hardship for exercising their right to collective action. California should consider expanding UI benefits to striking workers, as New York and New Jersey already do.

Now both federal and state emergency programs have expired, and Californians are left with a UI system that does not adequately support jobseekers and still excludes many of them. California’s UI system is not prepared for the next unexpected economic shock or crisis. At a moment when policymakers are increasingly worried that the use of artificial intelligence could push large numbers of workers out of a job, a strong UI system is needed more than ever to support Californians who could be displaced.

A Strong and Effective UI System Requires Adequate Financing: California Needs Major Reforms

Unemployment insurance is funded by state and federal payroll taxes. In general terms, the Federal Unemployment Tax Act (FUTA) funds UI administrative costs and certain special programs, while the State Unemployment Tax Act (SUTA) tax, imposed by states, pays for UI benefits and is used to repay any federal loans made to the state’s UI trust fund (more on this below). SUTA tax revenues are deposited into a trust fund held for each state by the US Treasury.

State unemployment insurance benefits are paid out of each state’s trust fund. If states don’t have sufficient money in the trust fund to pay UI benefits, they can take out a federal loan. That’s what California and 21 other states did as they struggled to pay out benefits to tens of millions of laid off workers in the early days of the COVID-19 pandemic.15US Department of Labor, Office of Unemployment Insurance Division of Fiscal and Actuarial Services, State Unemployment Insurance Trust Fund Solvency Report 2021, March 2021,https://oui.doleta.gov/unemploy/docs/trustFundSolvReport2021.pdf. Although the federal government fully paid for expanded UI benefits during the pandemic economic crisis, California still faced a record $35 billion in costs for regular UI benefits. The state is still paying back those costs today, and currently faces a trust fund debt of $19.8 billion.16US Department of Labor, Office of Unemployment Insurance Division of Fiscal and Actuarial Services, State Unemployment Insurance Trust Fund Solvency Report 2024, March 2024, https://oui.doleta.gov/unemploy/docs/trustFundSolvReport2024.pdf.

Yet the extraordinary costs of the pandemic are only the latest and most dramatic manifestation of an ongoing structural deficit in California’s UI financing system. In January 2020, before the pandemic triggered record job loss, California already had the most underfunded UI system of any state.17US Department of Labor, Office of Unemployment Insurance Division of Fiscal and Actuarial Services, State Unemployment Insurance Trust Fund Solvency Report 2020, March 2020, https://oui.doleta.gov/unemploy/docs/trustFundSolvReport2020.pdf. Even today, with a relatively low unemployment rate hovering around 5%, California does not raise enough revenue to pay for current UI benefits, much less pay down its trust fund debt.

In addition to regular SUTA taxes, California employers are paying a 15% tax surcharge to pay back the trust fund loan, but this additional revenue is still not sufficient to reduce the principal. The state Employment Development Department projects that at the current rate of repayment, the outstanding federal UI loan balance will grow to nearly $22 billion in 2025.18Employment Development Department, May 2024 Unemployment Insurance (UI) Fund Forecast, May 2024, https://edd.ca.gov/siteassets/files/unemployment/pdf/edduiforecastmay24.pdf.

California must overhaul its UI revenue system to adequately support unemployed workers and the economy, pay down its debt, and build a reserve for future economic downturns.

Failing to Modernize UI Financing Costs All Californians

California’s underfunded UI system imposes steep costs across the state. As described above, job seekers face hardship as they struggle to get by on low UI benefits, even as many jobless workers are excluded. At the same time, meager benefits may not be enough to power the state’s economic recovery in the next downturn. Yet the costs are even more widespread: Because the interest on the trust fund debt has traditionally been paid out of the state’s general fund, all California residents will ultimately pay a price.

Due to rising interest rates, California owed $484 million in interest on UI debt in 2024 at a time when the state was facing a significant, multi-year budget shortfall. Although California was able to use internal borrowing to cover the interest payment due in 2023, there were fewer such options available in 2024 and the state’s final budget agreement covered most of the interest payment ($384 million) with General Fund dollars, taking significant resources away from other priorities. Looking ahead to future years, California will continue to owe interest every year that it maintains trust fund debt, and these payments will significantly reduce funding available to invest in other critical priorities, including health care, child care, affordable housing, and environmental protection.

And while employers may express concern about increased UI taxes in a modernized system, they also face a direct tax penalty if no action is taken: In addition to the surcharge to pay back the loan, California employers will also face a reduction in the Federal Unemployment Tax Act (FUTA) tax credit, effectively hiking their taxes as long as the trust fund debt continues to go unpaid.

Raising and Indexing the Taxable Wage Base Is Critical to Improving UI Financing

Failure to raise revenue is at the heart of California’s UI financing crisis. State policymakers have been reluctant to mandate that employers contribute the funds needed to finance a strong and effective UI system. As a result, California taxes employers on only the first $7,000 of each employee’s pay.

What Is the Taxable Wage Base and Why Is It Important for Understanding How Unemployment Insurance Benefits Are Funded?

State unemployment benefits are financed through state payroll taxes paid by employers. There are two basic factors that determine how much employers pay in those taxes: the tax rate and the taxable wage base. The tax rate is determined for each employer based on tax rate schedules outlined in state law. The rate for a particular employer is then applied to a taxable wage base equal to each of their employee’s first $7,000 in annual earnings to determine how much tax the employer owes. 

For example, new employers are assigned a state payroll tax rate of 3.4%. If a new employer has three employees all earning $40,000 annually, the employer would calculate the payroll tax they owe by multiplying 3.4% by $7,000 for each employee ($238), for a total annual tax of $714 for all three employees. If the taxable wage base were higher, say $21,000, the same amount of revenue could be raised with a much lower tax rate (1.1%) because a greater proportion of each worker’s wages would be subject to taxation. Alternatively, by maintaining a 3.4% tax rate, the higher taxable wage base would raise three times as much revenue ($2,142 for all three employees).

When comparing state payroll taxes across states, it’s important to consider both the tax rate and the taxable wage base to which that rate is applied. A state with relatively high tax rates does not necessarily result in employers in that state paying more in taxes than states with lower tax rates. For example, a 5.7% rate would generate a tax of $400 if applied to a base of $7,000. But a much lower rate of 3.8% would generate twice as much tax ($800) if applied to a base of $21,000.

This low fixed amount, known as the taxable wage base, not only raises inadequate revenue but raises it inequitably. The low taxable wage base means that California  taxes a higher proportion of the wages of low-paid workers and imposes the highest effective tax rates on small businesses while failing to keep up with wage growth and taxing a far smaller share of wages than most other states. Raising the taxable wage base and indexing it to the state’s average wages is essential to strengthen the UI system.

Wages have increased significantly over the last 40 years, yet California’s taxable wage base has remained fixed, lagging further and further behind. While the state’s taxable wage base of $7,000 was equivalent to full-time wages at the federal minimum wage in 1982, it was less than three months of full-time work at the minimum wage in 2022 in California. By 2022, California’s effective UI tax rate was less than half of what it had been in 1980, as the figure below illustrates.

California’s UI financing system disproportionately taxes the employers of low-paid and part-time workers because the state’s taxable wage base is so low. Take, for example, employers subject to a state UI tax rate of 3.1%, which is the average rate paid by employers in 2023. Since most workers earn more than the state’s taxable wage base of $7,000, employers effectively pay $217 in state UI taxes per worker. But this represents a much larger share of employers’ labor costs for low-paid and part-time workers. For instance, $7,000 amounts to 1.3% of the earnings paid to half-time minimum wage workers, compared to 0.7% of the earnings paid to full-time minimum wage workers and just 0.2% of the earnings of workers paid three times the minimum wage, as the figure below shows. Researchers find that this creates disincentives to hire part-time workers in the first place, leading to fewer employment opportunities, which would impact workers who benefit from the flexibility of part-time work or who rely on additional earnings to make ends meet.19Mark Duggan, Audrey Guo, and Andrew C. Johnston, Would Broadening the UI Tax Base Help Low-Income Workers? (IZA Institute for Labor Economics, January 2022), https://docs.iza.org/dp15020.pdf; Po-Chun Huang, “Employment Effects of the Unemployment Insurance Tax Base,” The Journal of Human Resources, 59, no.4 (March 2022) https://doi.org/10.3368/jhr.0719-10316R2. Raising the taxable wage base would help to address these inequalities.

Small businesses also bear a disproportionate tax burden as a result of California’s low taxable wage base for UI.

Raising California’s taxable wage base is not a pie-in-the-sky idea. In fact, 94% of US states already have a higher taxable wage base than California, including Washington State with a taxable wage base of $68,500 in 2024, Oregon ($52,800), Nevada ($40,600) and Hawaii ($59,100).20US Department of Labor, Employment and Training Administration, Significant Provisions of State Unemployment Insurance Laws Effective January 2024https://oui.doleta.gov/unemploy/content/sigpros/2020-2029/January2024.pdf. These states not only tax a much higher share of payrolls than California, but their wage base is indexed to the state’s average weekly wage so that it adjusts automatically each year as wages rise, providing far more reliable financing than California’s low fixed rate. As the figure below shows, businesses in California actually pay taxes on a smaller share of wages than any other state, with just 8% of average annual earnings taxed. California’s low, fixed taxable wage base leads it to raise far less UI revenue than the state needs.

California Must Shift to Forward Financing of UI Benefits and Reform Experience Rating

Raising and indexing California’s taxable wage base is essential to ensuring adequate UI financing, but that alone will not be sufficient to sustainably fund the system because of the structurally flawed mechanism that determines UI tax rates in California.

California has seven employer contribution rate schedules that operate to increase state UI tax rates when the balance of the state’s UI trust fund is low and to reduce rates when the trust fund has more funding.21Employment Development Department, California System of Experience Rating, DE 231Z Rev. 17, (6-22), https://edd.ca.gov/siteassets/files/pdf_pub_ctr/de231z.pdf. This “pay-as-you-go” mechanism is meant to increase revenues at the moment they are needed, but it produces two perverse outcomes. First, by hiking tax rates during economic downturns (when more workers are claiming UI benefits and the trust fund balance falls), the system compels businesses to pay higher taxes during the most difficult economic times, when their own resources are most depleted. Raising business costs during recessions undermines the ability of UI to promote economic recovery. Second, by lowering tax rates as the trust fund balance begins to recover, this system makes raising additional revenue difficult. If California were to increase its taxable wage base without fixing the “pay-as-you-go” mechanism, employer tax rates would automatically fall as soon as the trust fund balance began to improve, making it more difficult to reach and maintain solvency.

The weakness of pay-as-you-go financing is evident with a look at California’s history: As the figure below indicates, the state failed to raise sufficient revenue to fund UI benefits in every recession since 1980.

The alternative to California’s pay-as-you-go financing mechanism is a forward-funded system designed to take in more revenue than it pays out during periods of low unemployment. Forward funding enables state UI systems to build up sufficient reserves during periods of economic growth to pay benefits during economic downturns, when large numbers of workers are laid off and seeking unemployment benefits. The US Department of Labor’s UI Trust Fund solvency standards are designed to encourage this type of forward funding.22US Department of Labor, Office of Unemployment Insurance Division of Fiscal and Actuarial Services, State Unemployment Insurance Trust Fund Solvency Report 2024, March 2024, https://oui.doleta.gov/unemploy/docs/trustFundSolvReport2024.pdf. Numerous other states, including Oregon, use a forward-funding mechanism to put their UI systems on more stable financial footing.23State of Oregon Employment Department Oregon Employment Department Announces 2024 Rates for Paid Leave Oregon and Unemployment Insurance, November 2023, https://www.oregon.gov/employ/NewsAndMedia/Documents/2023-11-Tax-Contribution-Rate-Notice.pdf.

The mechanism for determining each individual employer’s UI tax rate is also flawed and needs to be reformed. In general, private employers are assigned a tax rate based on their experience with unemployment — that is, their history of laying off workers who then claim unemployment benefits.24New employers are initially assigned a rate of 3.4%, which is then adjusted after 2-3 years based on their experience rating. Additionally, public and nonprofit employers may choose to finance UI benefits on a dollar-for-dollar reimbursement basis instead of being subject to experience rating. Employment Development Department, California System of Experience Rating, DE 231Z Rev. 17 (6-22), https://edd.ca.gov/siteassets/files/pdf_pub_ctr/de231z.pdf; Employment Development Department, 2024 California Employer’s Guide, DE 44 Rev. 50 (1-24), 9, https://edd.ca.gov/siteassets/files/pdf_pub_ctr/de44.pdf. This system, known as “experience rating,” is required by the federal government, but states have considerable flexibility in selecting specific experience rating methods. In California, an employer’s experience rating is determined by a formula that takes into account their contributions into the trust fund and the UI benefits paid to their former workers.

There are two unintended consequences of this approach to experience rating. First, because employers’ contribution rate increases when their former employees claim UI benefits, employers have an incentive to discourage workers from applying for benefits, provide misinformation about eligibility, and dispute UI benefit claims. Second, this approach to experience rating makes raising the taxable wage base, on its own, a less effective strategy for improving UI financing. This is because increasing the taxable wage base would improve employers’ experience rating and automatically decrease their contribution rates (all else being equal), effectively limiting the amount of revenue that could be raised.

One potential alternative to this system is an experience rating system based on quarterly changes in the hours employees work for a given employer, regardless of whether these workers claim UI benefits.25Josh Bivens et al., Reforming Unemployment Insurance (Center for American Progress, Center for Popular Democracy, Economic Policy Institute, Groundwork Collaborative, National Employment Law Project, National Women’s Law Center, and Washington Center for Equitable Growth, June 2021), 36, https://files.epi.org/uploads/Reforming-Unemployment-Insurance.pdf. This would remove the incentive for employers to discourage or dispute benefit claims and would make increasing the taxable wage base more effective at shoring up the trust fund while supporting stronger benefits and broader eligibility.

Additionally, California could explore adopting this alternative experience rating system in combination with a method of assigning employer tax rates based on desired revenue targets, which researchers find is a highly effective strategy for improving UI financing.26A comprehensive analysis of state UI financing systems prepared by the Urban Institute for the US Department of Labor concluded that this approach, called “array allocation,” in combination with indexing the taxable wage base to wage growth were two key factors supporting UI trust fund adequacy. The analysis also suggested that states using array allocation have more stability in tax rates from year to year, leading to more predictability for both employers and the UI trust fund. Wayne Vroman et al., A Comparative Analysis of Unemployment Insurance Financing Methods (Urban Institute, December 2017), xv, 20, 42-43, 46, https://www.dol.gov/sites/dolgov/files/OASP/legacy/files/A-Comparative-Analysis-of-Unemployment-Insurance-Financing-Methods-Final-Report.pdf. Finally, California should consider how app corporations like Uber, Lyft, and DoorDash, which use technology to set and control working conditions, short-change California’s UI system by misclassifying employees as independent contractors, circumventing traditional labor laws and taxes. A study from the UC Berkeley Labor Center finds that If Uber and Lyft had treated workers as employees, these two corporations alone would have paid $413 million into the state’s UI trust fund between 2014 and 2019.27Ken Jacobs and Michael Reich, What Would Uber and Lyft Owe to the State Unemployment Insurance Fund? (Institute of Research on Labor and Employment, University of California, Berkeley, May 2020), https://laborcenter.berkeley.edu/pdf/2020/What-would-Uber-and-Lyft-owe-to-the-State-Unemployment-Insurance-Fund.pdf.

Conclusion

California’s UI system is a critical piece of social infrastructure and could become an engine of economic dynamism for the state, enabling workers, employers, and the economy to thrive. To achieve this vision, policymakers must stabilize the state’s UI finances by raising the taxable wage base and shifting to a forward-financing mechanism, providing the revenue needed to support California jobseekers with adequate benefits and expand assistance to workers who are currently shut out of the system.

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key takeaway

California’s poverty rate has increased significantly, with disproportionate impacts on Black and Latinx residents. This alarming trend highlights the urgent need for federal and state policymakers to implement robust anti-poverty measures, such as strengthening the Child Tax Credit, Earned Income Tax Credit, and SNAP program.

California’s poverty rate increased to 18.9% in 2023, up from 16.4% in 2022 and 11.0% in 2021, according to new Census data.  The state’s poverty rate was particularly high among Black and Latinx Californians and California continued to have the highest poverty rate of the 50 states.

California’s high poverty rate means that 7.3 million state residents lacked the resources to meet basic needs last year — more than the populations of California’s four largest cities: Los Angeles, San Diego, San Jose, and San Francisco. In sharp contrast, the incomes of the richest 1% of state residents continued to substantially exceed the incomes of most Californians. The average income of the top 1% of California households was $1.2 million  in 2023 — 67 times the average income of households in the bottom 20% and 14 times the median household income.

These figures point to the need for federal and state leaders to take urgent action to ensure that all Californians have the resources to thrive, and recent experience proves that policymakers can achieve this vision. Bold investments in the federal Child Tax Credit (CTC) and other economic security-promoting policies during the pandemic brought about a historic drop in poverty in 2021. When Congress allowed these effective policies to expire, that progress was reversed the following year, causing the largest increase in the national poverty rate in 50 years.

With Congress poised to pass a substantial tax package in 2025, federal policymakers should prioritize strengthening and expanding two of the most effective anti-poverty policies: the federal CTC and Earned Income Tax Credit (EITC). Additionally, federal leaders should strengthen SNAP nutrition assistance (CalFresh in California), which plays a critical role in reducing poverty and poverty-related hunger. California policymakers can also cut poverty by strengthening state tax credits and the safety net, and ensuring that all Californians — regardless of immigration status — have access to affordable housing, nutrition assistance, health coverage, and good jobs.

Poverty Rates in California Are at the Highest in Years

California’s poverty rate, as measured by the Census Bureau’s Supplemental Poverty Measure — a more comprehensive reflection of economic well-being than the Census’ Official Poverty Measure —  increased two and one-half percentage points to 18.9% between 2022 and 2023.1SPM thresholds rose 8.6 percent in 2023 for renters, which is notably higher than the 4.1 percent inflation rate from 2023. This difference reflects that prices rose faster for some household items (mainly rent) than average inflation for the full range of household items. Some researchers prefer to use “anchored SPM thresholds” given that SPM thresholds are higher than inflation. Given California’s high cost of housing (among other costly household needs), the Budget Center maintains the SPM thresholds provided by the Census Bureau. The 2023 poverty rate is also higher than the pre-pandemic rate of 16.6% in 2019.

This is the second year the poverty rate has significantly increased, after the expiration of many pandemic-era policies put in place to reduce economic hardships many Americans experienced as a result of COVID-19. These include federal supports such as the expanded Child Tax Credit, the expanded Earned Income Tax Credit for childless workers, and enhanced unemployment benefits — all of which ended in 2021. Additionally, Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (CalFresh in California) emergency allotments, which temporarily increased nutrition benefits, ended in early 2023.

California’s labor market also fared worse in 2023 than nationally, with the state’s unemployment rate increasing and inflation-adjusted hourly wages for low-wage workers decreasing in California.

Poverty Rose Across Children, Adults, and Older Adults

While poverty rose across all age groups, rates vary among children, adults, and older adults, notably:

Poverty Increased for All, Californians of Color Face Greater Hardship

Poverty increased for all racial and ethnic groups in California in 2023. However, poverty rates are more pronounced among Californians of color, highlighting deep-rooted inequities that are a direct consequence of historic and ongoing racism.

Most notably, the rise in poverty was sharpest for American Indian, Alaska Native, Native Hawaiian, Pacific Islander, and multiracial Californians (noted as “Other Californians of Color” in the chart above). Specifically, the poverty rate for this group collectively surged from 8.4% in 2022 to 13.6% in 2023. This significant and alarming increase underscores the unique challenges that these communities face, such as historic marginalization, systematic displacement, and limited access to targeted resources.

Poverty also remains disproportionately high for Latinx and Black Californians at 25% and 22.3%, respectively. Both groups saw an increase of about 4 percentage points from 2022 to 2023. These higher poverty rates reflect how centuries of discriminatory policies and systemic racism — such as redlining, wage discrimination, and chronic underinvestment in communities of color — continue to prevent Black and brown Californians from accessing the same economic opportunities as white people.

The persistence of higher poverty rates for Californians of color is not accidental.  Structural racism is the result of policymakers and other individuals with power successfully implementing policies and actions that block people of color from opportunity, many of which are rooted in racism.

Income Inequality Remains Stark in California

In addition to information on poverty, the Census data also sheds light on the incredible magnitude of income inequality in California. In 2023, the richest 5% of California households had an average income of $662,792 and the richest 1% had $1,208,478 on average.3The variable used to estimate household income is the sum of individual top-coded income variables, therefore the total may be underestimated for households at the top of the income distribution. Income reported to the Census Bureau may differ from income reported to the Franchise Tax Board due to underreporting, differences in the composition of households versus tax units, and the exclusion of capital gains income from the Census data. The average income of the top 1% of Californians is 14 times the $89,300 median California household income and 67 times the average income for the bottom 20% of Californians, which stood at a woefully inadequate level of $18,170.  For reference, a single adult needs an annual income of more than $56,000 to afford typical expenses in California, and a single parent with one child needs an income of nearly $100,000.

Notably, the Census income data does not include capital gains — income from the sale of assets like stock shares and real estate — which make up a significant portion of income for wealthy households. Therefore, the Census figures for the top 5% and top 1% of Californians understate their total income. Tax data, which do take into account capital gains income, demonstrate the high level of income concentration in the state, with the top 1% of Californians generally receiving around one-fifth to one-quarter of total income over the past several decades.

Policymakers Can Cut Poverty and Create a California for All

High poverty following the end of major pandemic-era investments proved that policymakers play a significant role in determining the economic well-being of all people. This means they can reverse the spike in poverty by investing in policies that help families and individuals meet basic needs and thrive in their communities.

At the federal level, these include:

California policymakers can also do more to cut poverty across the state, including by:

  • 1
    SPM thresholds rose 8.6 percent in 2023 for renters, which is notably higher than the 4.1 percent inflation rate from 2023. This difference reflects that prices rose faster for some household items (mainly rent) than average inflation for the full range of household items. Some researchers prefer to use “anchored SPM thresholds” given that SPM thresholds are higher than inflation. Given California’s high cost of housing (among other costly household needs), the Budget Center maintains the SPM thresholds provided by the Census Bureau.
  • 2
    The increase is not statistically significant at the 95% confidence level.
  • 3
    The variable used to estimate household income is the sum of individual top-coded income variables, therefore the total may be underestimated for households at the top of the income distribution. Income reported to the Census Bureau may differ from income reported to the Franchise Tax Board due to underreporting, differences in the composition of households versus tax units, and the exclusion of capital gains income from the Census data.

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key takeaway

California voters will decide on November 5th, 2024 whether to pass Proposition 35, which would 1) require the state to request federal approval for the Managed Care Organization tax on an ongoing basis and 2) allocate those dollars for certain health care investments.

Access to health care is essential for everyone to be healthy and thrive. In California, Medi-Cal, the state’s Medicaid program, provides free or low-cost health care to over one-third of the state’s population. Medi-Cal covers a wide range of services to Californians with modest incomes, and many children, seniors, people with disabilities, and pregnant individuals rely on it. About half of Medi-Cal beneficiaries are Latinx, highlighting Medi-Cal’s role in promoting health equity.

California’s shortage of health care workers undermines the availability and quality of care for communities across the state. When people can’t find a provider in their area or experience long wait times for appointments, they don’t have meaningful access to health care. Enrolling in Medi-Cal and navigating the health care system can also be difficult, underscoring the need to invest in outreach and enrollment supports. While state policymakers have made considerable investments in recent years to bolster the health care workforce, more progress is needed.

what is health equity?

When everyone has the opportunity to be as healthy as possible and no one is disadvantaged from achieving this because of their race, gender identity, sexual orientation, the neighborhood they live in, or any other socially defined circumstance.

This year, policymakers had to make challenging decisions about health care investments due to the state’s recent budget shortfall and resistance from some state leaders to raise ongoing revenues. This has led to debates over the allocation of revenue from the state’s recently approved Managed Care Organization (MCO) tax. In response, many representatives of the health care industry have proposed Proposition 35, which would: 

  1. Require the state to request federal approval for the MCO tax on an ongoing basis.
  2. Allocate MCO tax revenue for certain health care investments.

There are merits to having dedicated funding to invest in the state’s health care system. However, this approach would reduce flexibility in the state budget and could negatively affect available funding for other key services that improve the lives of Californians. This Q&A provides a high-level overview of Prop. 35, including how Californians with low incomes might be impacted by its passage as well as implications for the state budget.

What is the Managed Care Organization (MCO) tax?

Managed Care Organizations (MCOs), also known as health insurance plans, are responsible for managing health care services as a way to control costs, utilization, and quality of care. Anthem Blue Shield and Kaiser Permanente are two examples of MCOs in California. These health insurance plans oversee the health care benefits that people receive, often requiring prior authorization or referrals to ensure that people receive appropriate and cost-effective care.

MCOs manage health care services for people with private health insurance as well as Medi-Cal enrollees. They contract with Medi-Cal to receive payments based on the number of Medi-Cal recipients they serve. Medi-Cal is a joint federal-state program, with the federal government covering part of the cost and the state covering the rest.

Federal law allows states to impose a tax on MCOs and other health-related services to help cover the state share of Medicaid health care costs, but states must comply with federal regulations and receive federal approval for these taxes. Eighteen states reported having an MCO tax in place during the 2023 state fiscal year.

California’s MCO tax is a charge based on enrollment in Medi-Cal managed care plans and private health insurance plans. The MCO tax is distinct from other types of state taxes in that the primary state fiscal benefit comes from the additional federal dollars drawn down as a result of the tax. MCOs bear very little of the cost, as they receive Medi-Cal payments from state and federal funds that offset the portion of the tax levied on Medi-Cal enrollment. By drawing down additional federal funding, the MCO tax frees up state General Fund dollars that would otherwise have been used to support existing Medi-Cal services.

California’s MCO tax was most recently approved in December 2023, and it will expire at the end of 2026 unless it is renewed again. However, state leaders are seeking additional changes to the MCO tax structure to draw down more federal funding. These changes are still pending federal approval.

The state is expected to receive net revenues of $7 billion to $8 billion annually while the tax is in effect, assuming the federal government approves recent changes. Essentially, the net revenues are the additional federal funds the state is able to draw down minus the cost of the state’s portion of payments to MCOs to offset the cost of the tax. Under the enacted 2024-25 budget, most of that revenue will be used to offset state General Fund spending on existing Medi-Cal services, with a smaller portion going to increased provider rates and augmentations.

How do policymakers currently plan to use MCO tax dollars?

Policymakers outlined a plan — which Prop. 35 would overturn — to use revenue from the MCO tax in the 2024-25 budget package, with the majority of dollars allocated to offset General Fund spending on Medi-Cal and maintain existing services in the program. Assuming that the federal government approves the changes to the MCO tax that state leaders are seeking, the budget includes the following MCO tax dollars to sustain existing services in Medi-Cal:

  • $6.9 billion in 2024-25
  • $6.6 billion in 2025-26
  • $5.0 billion in 2026-27

Policymakers also allocated funding from the MCO tax for new targeted Medi-Cal provider rate increases as well as other investments. These budget allocations include:

  • $133 million in 2024-25
  • $728 million in 2025-26
  • $1.2 billion in 2026-27

The rate increases from the current MCO tax spending plan are intended to build on investments that policymakers made in previous years. As shown below, the majority of funds for rate increases that will go into effect on January 1, 2025 will support emergency department physician services, abortion care and family planning, and ground emergency medical transportation.

The current MCO tax spending plan also includes additional rate increases and investments that would take effect on January 1, 2026, with the vast majority of dollars allocated to physician and non-physician professionals (e.g., physician assistants, nurse practitioners and certified nurse midwives). 

Policymakers also allocated $40 million one-time MCO tax dollars in 2026-27 to strengthen and support the development and retention of the Medi-Cal workforce. This amount reflects a decrease in health care workforce investments that state leaders made in the past. More substantial and sustained investments are necessary to build a health care workforce that can better meet the needs of Californians.

This MCO tax spending plan would be overturned if voters approve Prop. 35.

How does Prop. 35 differ from the current MCO tax plan?

Prop. 35 proposes a major shift to how state policymakers have used MCO tax revenue to essentially reduce, or offset, General Fund spending on Medi-Cal. If passed, Prop. 35 would overturn the current MCO tax spending plan that policymakers agreed upon in the 2024-25 budget. 

Prop. 35 would require the California Department of Health Care Services to request federal approval for the MCO tax on an ongoing basis in an attempt to make this funding stream more permanent. Federal approval is required for the state to levy health care taxes that draw down additional federal dollars. 

While Prop. 35 provides some flexibility for the state to structure future versions of MCO tax proposals to comply with federal regulations and ensure federal approval, it does set limits to the tax on commercial enrollment. This limitation could affect the state's ability to secure future approval for a tax that generates the same level of revenue as the current tax. The measure also specifies that the MCO tax would not go into effect if the state does not receive federal approval and federal funding in the future.

Additionally, Prop. 35 would establish rules for how MCO tax revenue would be spent in the short term (2025 and 2026) and long term (2027 and beyond). The key difference is that policymakers would no longer be able to use the bulk of the dollars to offset General Fund spending in Medi-Cal. Another notable difference is that Prop. 35 would require funds to be spent by the end of each calendar year or fiscal year, beginning 2027. Currently, policymakers have the flexibility to save funds for future years to help cover costs if the MCO tax is not approved in the future. 

If passed, funds would first cover a portion of MCOs’ cost of the tax as well as administrative costs. 

For calendar years 2025 and 2026, $2 billion would be used to offset General Fund spending in Medi-Cal. Specifically, this amount would cover a portion of the non-federal share of Medi-Cal managed care rates for health care services for children, adults, seniors, and people with disabilities. This represents the majority of funds (about 43%), as shown below. MCO tax revenue would also support health workforce initiatives, including primary care, specialty care, and emergency care.

For calendar year 2027 and beyond, Prop. 35 would allocate revenue from the MCO tax differently. After covering a portion of MCOs’ cost of the tax as well as administrative costs, the next $4.3 billion collected from the tax would be allocated for specific purposes. The majority of funds (44%) would support access to primary care and specialty care. Specifically, it would increase reimbursement rates for primary care services and increase the number of specialty care service providers. A smaller portion of funds would support other rate increases, such as emergency department services and family planning. Prop. 35 would allow the Department of Health Care Services to allocate 8% of funds — $344 million — to provide overall support to the Medi-Cal program.

If there are remaining MCO tax revenues after these funding allocations are made, the measure contains parameters to allocate the excess revenue. Examples of these other allocations include:

  • Additional General Fund offset to support existing services in Medi-Cal.
  • A grant program to expand the number of community health workers. 
  • Supporting the state’s ongoing efforts to reduce the cost of prescription drugs.
  • Providing additional funding to health workforce initiatives.

In addition, Prop. 35 would establish oversight and accountability measures, requiring the state controller to perform independent financial audits. It would also create an advisory committee that would provide input to the Department of Health Care Services on future MCO tax proposals. This advisory committee would be made up of mostly health care provider representatives.

Would Prop. 35 actually make the MCO tax permanent?

No, the MCO tax funding structure under Prop. 35 is entirely dependent on federal approval and ongoing renewals. Prop. 35 would require the California Department of Health Care Services to request federal approval for the MCO tax on an ongoing basis in an attempt to make this funding stream more permanent. Federal approval is required for the state to levy health care taxes that draw down additional federal dollars.

One issue with Prop. 35 is that the MCO tax may not be a sustainable, long-term funding source. While the federal government has historically approved California’s MCO tax, it has indicated that it may revise the rules governing state MCO taxes in the future, which would have implications for the amount of net revenue that future versions of the tax may bring into the state. 

Without federal approval and federal funding, the MCO tax and spending plan under Prop. 35 would not be implemented.

How would Prop. 35 impact the state budget?

While Prop. 35 would ensure more funding is dedicated for health care, its requirement to spend MCO tax revenues on specific services would also limit policymakers’ flexibility in making budget decisions. This is particularly concerning in years when the state is facing a budget shortfall because the reduced flexibility could lead policymakers to make cuts to other critical public services to balance the budget.

State leaders are required to balance the budget each year, and there are already several strict requirements on how some state funds are spent that make budgeting complex. By creating additional mandates on state spending, Prop. 35 would result in policymakers having even less flexibility in making budget decisions. While the measure gives policymakers some ability to modify the structure and uses of the MCO tax, changes would require a three-fourths vote in the Legislature — which can be difficult to obtain — and would need to further the purpose of Prop. 35. 

In years when the state is facing a budget shortfall, this limited flexibility could result in cuts to other critical public services that help Californians make ends meet and address vital needs, such as income supports, subsidized child care, food assistance, and investments in reducing homelessness and increasing affordable housing.  

Of course, cuts could be limited or avoided during budget deficits if state leaders are able to raise new revenues to address a shortfall. However, the state Constitution requires a two-thirds vote in the Legislature to raise taxes, while spending cuts can be approved with a simple majority, and state leaders have generally been more inclined to make cuts than to increase taxes.

In the near term, Prop. 35 would result in the recently enacted 2024-25 budget being out of balance. This is because a solution to the budget shortfall involves using some MCO tax dollars that were previously intended to support provider rate increases and other augmentations to instead offset General Fund spending on existing Medi-Cal services. Since Prop. 35 would require MCO tax revenues to be used for health program augmentations instead of offsetting existing spending, state leaders would have to identify other solutions — potentially spending cuts or delays, revenue increases, or additional budget reserve withdrawals — in next year’s budget to cover the difference. The Legislative Analyst’s Office estimates that the General Fund impact would be between $1 billion and $2 billion in 2025 and 2026, but in a legislative hearing on August 13, 2024, the Department of Finance noted that it estimates the impact could range from $2.6 billion and $4.9 billion in fiscal years 2024-25 through 2026-27.

In the long term, raising state General Fund revenues — through sources aside from the MCO tax — would help to increase the state’s capacity to cover the costs of existing Medi-Cal services and improve state health services and increase access to care, without jeopardizing other state services. This is especially important given that there is no guarantee the federal government will continue to approve an MCO tax that yields the amount of revenue anticipated from the currently authorized tax.

How would Prop. 35 impact Californians?

If passed, millions of Californians who receive health care services through Medi-Cal — about half of whom are Latinx — could have better access to care, especially for primary care and specialty health care services. Increasing provider participation in Medi-Cal is critical to improving access to a wide range of health care services, especially in historically underserved areas where there is often a shortage of providers. By increasing the number of providers in the Medi-Cal network, patients can receive more timely care, which can help improve health and well-being for all Californians, but especially Latinx communities. 

However, there are some critical health equity investments that are included in the current MCO tax spending plan that are either not included or not prioritized in Prop. 35. Examples include:

These potential cuts raise health equity concerns, as they would disproportionately impact people of color, children, older adults, and people with disabilities. Policymakers should explore alternative revenue-raising measures to sustain and advance these crucial health equity initiatives, if Prop. 35 passes.

Additionally, Prop. 35’s limitations on using MCO tax proceeds to offset General Fund spending on current Medi-Cal services could make policymakers more likely to make cuts to other state services when facing budget shortfalls. Such cuts would likely harm Californians with low incomes most. For example, in the difficult budget years during and following the Great Recession, deep cuts were made to safety net programs such as subsidized child care, income supports for families under the California Work Opportunity and Responsibility to Kids (CalWORKs) program, and income support for older adults and people with disabilities under the Supplemental Security Income/State Supplementary Payment (SSI/SSP) program.

Lastly, the passage of Prop. 35 would lock in spending decisions in the future, which would impact how Californians engage with the state budget process. Advocates and community members would have less opportunity to weigh in on how state resources should be allocated because the MCO tax spending decisions would be constrained by the ballot measure. Currently, Californians can contribute to conversations about how MCO tax revenue should be spent during the budget process via public hearings and interactions with policymakers.

What are arguments for and against Prop. 35?

Supporters of Prop. 35 believe the measure will protect and enhance access to care for Medi-Cal patients by ensuring that MCO tax dollars are directed toward patient care. They argue that it would prevent lawmakers from redirecting funds intended for health care to other purposes. Key supporters include the California Medical Association, Planned Parenthood Affiliates of California, the California Hospital Association, the California Primary Care Association, and the California Dental Association.

Opponents of Prop. 35 argue that the measure would reduce flexibility in how Medi-Cal dollars are allocated and overturn the commitments made in the 2024-25 budget to fund important services with MCO tax dollars, including continuous Medi-Cal coverage for young children and the rate increase for community health workers. Opposition groups include The Children’s Partnership, the California Pan-Ethnic Health Network, the California Alliance for Retired Americans, Courage California, and the League of Women Voters of California.

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key takeaway

California voters will decide on November 5th, 2024, whether to pass Proposition 36, which would increase penalties for several drug and theft crimes. This would significantly drive up state prison costs, cut funding for behavioral health treatment and other critical services, and potentially push more Californians into homelessness.

Introduction

Over many years, California lawmakers and voters adopted harsh, one-size-fits-all sentencing laws that prioritized punishment over rehabilitation, led to severe overcrowding in state prisons, and disproportionately impacted Californians of color.

California began reconsidering its “tough on crime” approach in the late 2000s. Multiple reforms were adopted as prison overcrowding reached crisis proportions and the state faced lawsuits filed on behalf of incarcerated adults. These reforms worked as intended: The number of adults serving sentences at the state level fell from a peak of 173,600 in 2007 to around 90,000 today. Meanwhile, violent and property crime rates in California remain well below historical peaks

A key justice system reform was Proposition 47, which passed with nearly 60% support in 2014. Prop. 47 reduced penalties for six nonviolent drug and property crimes from felonies to misdemeanors. As a result, state prison generally is no longer a sentencing option for these crimes. Instead, people convicted of a Prop. 47 offense serve their sentence in county jail and/or receive probation.

Prop. 47 also requires the state to calculate prison savings due to reduced incarceration and use those dollars to reduce recidivism and support crime victims. Since 2016, over $800 million in Prop. 47 savings has been allocated across the state for behavioral health treatment and other critical services that promote community safety.

However, interest groups opposed to justice system reforms qualified Prop. 36 for the November ballot. Their goal is to increase punishment for drug and theft crimes in California, including by reversing key provisions of Prop. 47. Major donors to Prop. 36 include Walmart ($2.5 million), Home Depot ($1 million), Target ($1 million), In-N-Out Burger ($500,000), the California Correctional Peace Officers Association ($300,000), and Macy’s ($215,000).

Prop. 36 Would Increase Penalties for Several Drug and Theft Crimes

Prop. 36 would amend state law to increase penalties for several drug and theft crimes. These changes would disproportionately impact Californians of color given racist practices in the justice system as well as social and economic disadvantages that communities of color continue to face due to historical and ongoing discrimination and exclusion.

Prop. 36 would increase penalties for drug crimes in multiple ways. Key drug-related provisions of the measure include the following:

Prop. 36 also would increase penalties for theft crimes in multiple ways. Key theft-related provisions of the measure include the following:

Prop. 36 Would Drive Up State Prison Spending and Create Unfunded Costs at the State and Local Levels

By increasing punishment for several drug and theft crimes, Prop. 36 would create substantial new costs — including for incarceration and the court system — at the state and local levels. However, the measure would provide no new revenue to pay for these expenses.1Prop. 36 states that a person charged with a “treatment-mandated felony” may receive, if eligible, relevant Medi-Cal or Medicare services that are delivered through a court-ordered treatment program. (Medi-Cal is supported with state and federal funding; Medicare is funded solely by the federal government.) Therefore, some federal funding could be available to support services for people who are charged with a treatment-mandated felony and are eligible for Medi-Cal or Medicare. However, the state would have to pay a portion of any Medi-Cal services delivered, and Prop. 36 would not provide any revenue to offset those new state costs. In addition, the costs associated with treatment-mandated felonies represent only part of the substantial state and local criminal justice costs that Prop. 36 would create — costs for which the measure provides no new funding. State and local leaders would face the prospect of curtailing funding for existing public services in order to make room in their budgets for the unfunded costs imposed by Prop. 36.

While Prop. 36 would clearly burden public budgets, the magnitude of the impact is uncertain. Cost estimates have been developed by the nonpartisan Legislative Analyst’s Office (LAO) as well as by Californians for Safety and Justice (CSJ), a leading statewide public safety advocacy group. Both organizations suggest that the cost of Prop. 36 could be substantial, although the LAO’s estimates are significantly lower than CSJ’s.2The substantial gap between these two sets of estimates is likely the result of different assumptions, methodologies, and/or data sources adopted by each organization.

Specifically:

  • The LAO estimates that the ongoing increase in state criminal justice costs would likely range from several tens of millions of dollars to the low hundreds of millions of dollars. This estimate reflects a larger prison population — which could grow by “around a few thousand people” — as well as an increase in state court workload.
  • In addition, the LAO estimates that ongoing local criminal justice costs would likely increase by tens of millions of dollars due to Prop. 36. This estimate reflects larger county jail and community supervision populations — which, combined, could rise by “around a few thousand people” — as well as higher costs for courts, prosecutors, public defenders, and county agencies like probation and behavioral health departments.
  • In contrast, CSJ projects that Prop. 36 would lead to much higher costs. CSJ estimates that combined state and local costs would rise by around $4.5 billion ongoing. For example, CSJ suggests that more than 32,000 additional people would be sentenced to state prison within seven years. CSJ also assumes that over 31,000 additional people would serve one-year sentences in jail each year. These projected increases in incarceration are much higher than what the LAO’s analysis suggests.

Regardless of the magnitude of the costs created by Prop. 36, the result would be the same: elected officials would face difficult choices about how to accommodate these new unfunded costs in their budgets. Such choices could disproportionately harm Californians with low incomes and communities of color depending on which current state and local services were affected by funding reductions.

These tough decisions would come at a time when state and local leaders are already struggling to keep their budgets balanced and ensure ongoing support for core services. For example, the 2024-25 state budget package relies heavily on borrowing from future budgets and only temporarily increases revenues — decisions that could compromise the state’s ability to sustain core programs as well as stall much-needed investments in the coming years. The new unfunded costs imposed by Prop. 36 would make it even more challenging for state leaders to sustain support for core services and maintain a balanced budget.

In addition, Prop. 36 would reverse the modest progress that California has made in controlling state prison spending. Justice system reforms, including Prop. 47, have reduced the prison population and allowed state leaders to end private-prison contracts, begin closing state-owned prisons, and bend the prison cost curve. In fact, prison spending is billions of dollars lower today than it would be absent these reforms. These freed-up dollars have been redirected to critical state services that rely on the state’s General Fund for support.

Moreover, the prison system’s “footprint” on the state budget has been shrinking as reforms have taken effect. The budget of the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation (CDCR) comprised over 9% of total General Fund spending in 2013-14 — the fiscal year before Prop. 47 was approved in November 2014. Since then, CDCR’s share of the state budget has dropped to less than 7% as prison spending has grown more slowly than overall state expenditures.

Still, state correctional spending remains too high, and more work is needed to further downsize California’s costly and sprawling prison system. However, the trend has been moving in the right direction, and the significant gains that have been made over the last decade would be eroded if Prop. 36 is approved by voters.

Prop. 36 Would Reduce State Funding for Behavioral Health Treatment and Other Critical Services

By passing Prop. 47 in 2014, voters not only reduced penalties for several low-level crimes and lowered the prison population — they also required state prison savings from Prop. 47 be used for services that reduce crime, support youth, and help crime victims heal. To date, Prop. 47 savings — as calculated by the Department of Finance — exceed $800 million, or around $90 million per year, on average.

Prop. 47 savings are annually deposited into the Safe Neighborhoods and Schools Fund and used as follows:

  • 65% for behavioral health services — which includes mental health services and substance use treatment — as well as diversion programs for individuals who have been arrested, charged, or convicted of crimes. These funds are distributed as competitive grants administered by the Board of State and Community Corrections.
  • 25% for K-12 school programs to support vulnerable youth. These funds are distributed as competitive grants administered by the California Department of Education.
  • 10% to trauma recovery services for crime victims. These funds are distributed as competitive grants administered by the California Victim Compensation Board.

Prop. 47 savings are invested in a broad range of programs that support healing and keep communities safe. For example, a recent evaluation shows that people who received Prop. 47-funded behavioral health services and/or participated in diversion programs were much less likely to be convicted of a new crime. People who enrolled in these programs had a recidivism rate of just 15.3% — two to three times lower than is typical for people who have served prison sentences (recidivism rates range from 35% to 45% for these individuals). These programs are also successful in reducing homelessness and promoting housing stability, with a 60% decrease in the number of participants experiencing homelessness by the end of the program compared to when they enrolled.

Because Prop. 36 would undo key provisions of Prop. 47, the annual state savings from Prop. 47 would decline. The LAO estimates that this reduction would likely be in the low tens of millions of dollars per year, whereas CSJ projects that the state savings would be entirely eliminated.

The most recent estimate of Prop. 47 savings is $95 million, as reflected in the 2024-25 state budget. If Prop. 36 had been in effect this year, these savings would have been tens of millions of dollars lower (based on the LAO’s analysis) or entirely eliminated (based on CSJ’s assessment). Either way, there would be substantially less funding for services that reduce crime, support youth, and help crime victims heal. In other words, Prop. 36 would shift tens of millions of dollars or more each year from behavioral health treatment and other critical services back to the state prison system.

Prop. 36 Could Push More Californians Into Homelessness

Prop. 36 could worsen homelessness in California by pushing more residents into the carceral system, further exacerbating the deep link between homelessness and incarceration. While the lack of affordable housing is the primary cause of homelessness, this detrimental outcome is intensified by incarceration as formerly incarcerated people are nearly 10 times more likely  to experience homelessness than the general population. 

Californians leaving incarceration often face significant obstacles to securing long-term, stable housing, which is essential for reconnecting with support networks, finding employment, and maintaining health. Without proper housing, which Prop. 36 does not account for or ensure, formerly incarcerated individuals are more likely to recidivate and resort to survival crimes, perpetuating the harmful cycle.

A recent statewide homelessness study found that nearly 1 in 5 unhoused Californians (19%) entered homelessness directly from an institutional setting, primarily a jail or prison. Additionally, fewer than 20% of people leaving jail or prison had support finding housing upon their release. Prop. 36 does nothing to address this need and instead reverts funding from existing programs that help unhoused individuals with conviction histories connect with housing, behavioral health treatment, and other necessary services needed to reintegrate.

Further, Prop. 36 fails to follow effective, evidence-based interventions that successfully help individuals obtain and sustain mental health and substance use treatment, with housing as a foundational component. The initiative allows certain people arrested for drug possession to admit guilt (or plead no contest) and have their charges dismissed if they complete court-ordered treatment.

However, completing a treatment program is especially challenging for individuals experiencing housing instability or homelessness. Not having a home causes severe stress and trauma and harms physical and mental well-being, which can trigger or worsen mental health issues and lead to complex coping mechanisms like substance use. Yet there is no guarantee that those who are referred to treatment and who may need housing will receive it in a timely manner, essentially curtailing their chances of completing the program and increasing their likelihood of facing incarceration for up to three years.

Moreover, coerced treatment is antithetical to successful “Housing First” principles, which prioritize permanent housing before addressing treatment and other comprehensive needs. Policy experts also recommend against legally compelling people to comply with treatment for opioid use disorders as an alternative to other sanctions like incarceration. While coerced treatment may help engage people with substance use challenges, it likely has minimal to no effect on treatment retention, remission, and overdose mortality. This approach effectively places individuals in vulnerable positions that can lead to long-term incarceration and an increased likelihood of homelessness under Prop. 36.

Creating Safe and Equitable Communities Requires Smart Investments, Not Harsh Penalties and Mass Incarceration

Creating safe, vibrant communities for all Californians is achievable through intentional investments that uplift opportunities and economic security. Rather than promoting this positive vision for California, Prop. 36 advances an incarceration-focused approach that:

Instead of increasing incarceration, state leaders should prioritize policies and interventions proven to reduce crime, enhance public safety, and expand behavioral health treatment options. Effective measures include increasing affordable and supportive housing, expanding economic security programs, broadening access to health care and behavioral health services, supporting education and youth intervention programs, improving recidivism reduction strategies, and implementing equity-centered policies that target vulnerable residents. By focusing on these proven strategies, we can create safer, more equitable communities for all Californians.

  • 1
    Prop. 36 states that a person charged with a “treatment-mandated felony” may receive, if eligible, relevant Medi-Cal or Medicare services that are delivered through a court-ordered treatment program. (Medi-Cal is supported with state and federal funding; Medicare is funded solely by the federal government.) Therefore, some federal funding could be available to support services for people who are charged with a treatment-mandated felony and are eligible for Medi-Cal or Medicare. However, the state would have to pay a portion of any Medi-Cal services delivered, and Prop. 36 would not provide any revenue to offset those new state costs. In addition, the costs associated with treatment-mandated felonies represent only part of the substantial state and local criminal justice costs that Prop. 36 would create — costs for which the measure provides no new funding.
  • 2
    The substantial gap between these two sets of estimates is likely the result of different assumptions, methodologies, and/or data sources adopted by each organization.

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In late June, Governor Newsom and state leaders reached a deal on the 2024-25 California state budget. Confronted with a substantial shortfall, state leaders negotiated a budget package that presents a mixed bag for California families. Policymakers managed to protect many essential programs, but some financial maneuvers and the continued resistance to significantly raise revenues to help all Californians thrive may hinder progress in future years.

The June budget package rejects many harmful cuts to critical programs initially proposed by Governor Newsom in January and May. State leaders protected many essential programs that Californians rely on, including by drawing on the state’s reserves and delaying some program expansions. However, the budget also relies heavily on borrowing from future budgets, commits a higher percentage of future revenue growth to schools, and only temporarily increases revenues. These decisions could compromise the state’s ability to sustain core programs and stall much-needed investments in the coming years if revenue conditions do not improve.

This analysis highlights key components of the June budget package and examines how it protects — or misses opportunities to enhance — services that aim to improve the well-being of Californians with low incomes, Californians of color, women, immigrants, and others historically excluded from sharing in the state’s wealth.

How did state leaders close the budget shortfall?

State leaders closed a roughly $47 billion General Fund shortfall across the three-year “budget window” (fiscal years 2022-23 through 2024-25) using a broad array of budget tools. The “solutions” in the 2024-25 budget package include:

  • $16 billion in spending reductions.
  • $13.6 billion from a combination of additional revenue (which is mostly temporary) and internal borrowing from state special funds.
  • $6 billion in fund shifts, which transfer certain costs from the General Fund to other state funds.
  • Nearly $6 billion in withdrawals from two reserves: the Budget Stabilization Account (also known as the rainy day fund) and the Safety Net Reserve.
  • $3.1 billion in funding delays and pauses. This includes delaying, for two years, an expansion of food assistance to undocumented Californians as well as postponing, for six months, a wage increase for people who provide services to Californians with intellectual and developmental disabilities.
  • $2.1 billion in deferrals, which postpone certain payments to later years. This includes shifting one month of state employee payroll costs from June 2025 (the last month of the 2024-25 fiscal year) to July 2025 (the first month of the 2025-26 fiscal year).

What happened to Prop. 98? Was school funding protected?

The budget agreement protects funding for Transitional Kindergarten, K-12 schools, and community colleges (TK-14 education) despite revenue challenges. Estimates of the Proposition 98 minimum funding guarantee for TK-14 education are updated to reflect two major budget actions: 1) the adoption of a proposal to “accrue” some funding from 2022-23 to future years and 2) the suspension of the Prop. 98 guarantee in 2023-24. These actions increase the Prop. 98 minimum funding levels across the 2022-23 to 2024-25 “budget window” and also ensure funding growth beyond the three-year window.

Key details that further explain the Prop. 98-related budget actions are outlined below.

Overall, decisions on the minimum guarantee push large spending obligations to future budget years that add pressure to the non-Prop. 98 side of the budget. First, while the Prop. 98 suspension provides relief in 2023-24, TK-14 education will get a higher percentage of future revenue growth than normal until the maintenance factor is paid. In other words, a larger portion of General Fund revenue growth will go toward the maintenance factor obligation, leaving less funding for the non-Prop. 98 side of the budget.

Second, shifting $6.2 billion in TK-14 education spending to the non-Prop. 98 side of the budget starting in 2026-27 will reduce funding available for other critical needs, such as food security, child care, housing, and other programs that help families make ends meet.

What revenue solutions does the budget include?

One of the budget solutions is a temporary increase in state revenues, which helps to avoid more harmful service cuts, but will also lead to decreased revenues in later years. 

Specifically, for tax years 2024 through 2026, the budget agreement 1) limits the tax credits businesses can use to $5 million and 2) suspends tax deductions for prior-year losses (“net operating losses” or NOLs) for businesses with at least $1 million in profits.  These provisions are estimated to increase revenues by $5.95 billion in 2024-25, $5.5 billion in 2025-26, and $3.4 billion in 2026-27.

However, the budget agreement also includes provisions to allow businesses impacted by these limitations to fully recoup the lost tax benefits in later years, reducing state revenues for several years beginning in 2027-28 by as much as a few billion dollars in some years. Notably, businesses subject to tax credit limitations will be allowed to receive the credits above the $5 million annual limit as a refund — spread across five years — after the limitation period ends. In other words, if the excess credits claimed in future years exceed a business’ tax bill, it can receive the difference in cash. Historically, business tax credits have generally not been refundable.

Additionally, if the governor’s administration determines that the budget can be balanced in 2025-26 and/or 2026-27 without the additional revenue from the temporary business credit limitation and NOL suspension, policymakers can specify in the Budget Act that these provisions do not apply for that year.

Finally, the budget contains some smaller, ongoing tax policy changes impacting businesses and investors. These changes will increase revenues by a few hundred million dollars ongoing, including eliminating tax subsidies that specifically benefit oil and gas companies.

state budget terms defined

What’s the difference between a trailer bill and policy bill? A deficit and an operating deficit? And what exactly is a “Budget Bill Jr.?” Our Glossary of State Budget Terms answers that and more.

How did California’s Rainy Day Fund and other reserves help cover the shortfall?

California has several reserve accounts that set aside funds intended to be used when economic conditions worsen and state revenues decline. These include:

  • The Budget Stabilization Account (BSA), commonly referred to as the Rainy Day Fund. This is the state’s largest reserve and its funds may be used for any purpose.
  • The Public School System Stabilization Account (PSSSA), which is also known as the Prop. 98 reserve. Funds withdrawn from this account must be used to support K-12 schools and community colleges.
  • The Safety Net Reserve Fund. Funds withdrawn from this account are intended to maintain existing CalWORKs and Medi-Cal benefits and services during an economic downturn.

State Budget Reserves Explained

See our report, California’s State Budget Reserves Explained, to learn more about the savings accounts policymakers can use to support Californians in times of budget shortfalls.

The budget agreement rejects many harmful cuts to critical services in part by drawing on state reserves. However, the budget takes an imbalanced approach, taking around half the funds in the BSA, but draining all funds from the Safety Net Reserve, leaving no dedicated funds to help support CalWORKs and Medi-Cal in future years.

Specifically, the budget agreement withdraws $4.9 billion from the BSA in 2024-25, and assumes an additional BSA withdrawal of $7.1 billion in 2025-26, which would leave about $10.5 billion available for future years. In contrast, the budget withdraws all $900 million from the Safety Net Reserve in 2024-25. The budget also takes all $8.4 billion from the PSSSA in 2023-24, but makes a $1.1 billion discretionary deposit to that account in 2024-25.

As required by the state Constitution, the governor signed a proclamation on June 26 declaring a budget emergency in order to allow the withdrawal of funds from the BSA. The governor did not need to declare a budget emergency to withdraw funds from the PSSSA or the Safety Net Reserve.

The budget includes a big cut to “state operations” spending — what does this mean and is the cut achievable?

The budget agreement adopted the governor’s plan to permanently reduce “state operations” spending by around $3 billion starting in 2024-25. This funding supports the basic activities of state government. Savings are to be achieved through two actions implemented by the Department of Finance (DOF) in collaboration with state departments:

These reductions would equal roughly 10% of total General Fund state operations spending. However, it’s questionable whether $1 of every $10 in state operations costs could be permanently eliminated through efficiencies and other measures without eroding state services. Moreover, in some departments, most state operations spending supports employee salaries and benefits — which cannot be unilaterally cut to generate state savings. As a result, some departments may have relatively little state operations funding available to cut to help meet the $3 billion statewide reduction target.

Furthermore, the governor’s administration reported in budget hearings that 24-hour operations would be exempt from the reductions. This includes, for example, the state prison system, which is overseen by the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation (CDCR). The budget agreement assumes that CDCR will account for nearly $400 million of the $3 billion in state operations reductions. CDCR could easily achieve these savings by closing state prisons. However, the governor refuses to plan for more prison closures, and it’s uncertain whether CDCR will be able to cut roughly $400 million from its operating budget without downsizing the state prison system.

Overall, it’s highly unlikely that the projected $3 billion in statewide savings will fully materialize, according to the Legislative Analyst’s Office. Unrealized savings would need to be addressed during the 2025-26 budget process and would “add to any fiscal challenges” the state is facing that year. In the meantime, DOF will update the Legislature in October and again in January on any progress made toward reducing state operations spending as envisioned in the budget agreement.

What changes were proposed to the MCO tax, and how does it help support Medi-Cal services for Californians?

Managed Care Organizations (MCOs), also known as health insurance plans, are responsible for managing health care services as a way to manage cost, utilization, and quality. States, with federal approval, can impose a tax on MCOs to reduce — or offset — state Medicaid spending and draw down additional federal funds. The MCO tax is a charge based on enrollment in Medi-Cal managed care plans and private health insurance plans. 

In 2023, California renewed its MCO tax with federal approval, effective from April 1, 2023 to December 31, 2026. State leaders planned to use the roughly $19.4 billion in tax revenue to offset General Fund spending on Medi-Cal and support provider rate increases to improve access to health care services. Currently, many Californians face difficulties accessing Medi-Cal health care services because local providers oftentimes do not accept Medi-Cal patients.

This year, state leaders proposed amendments to increase the tax, generating a net fiscal benefit of $24.3 billion total, given the budget shortfall. These amendments require federal approval.

The 2024-25 budget agreement outlines a plan to use revenue from the MCO tax to support the Medi-Cal program as well as rate increases for health providers, with some investments delayed to 2026. Budget allocations include:

  • $6.9 billion in 2024-25, $6.6 billion in 2025-26, and $5.0 billion in 2026-27 to help maintain existing services in the Medi-Cal program; and
  • $133 million in 2024-25, $728 million in 2025-26, and $1.2 billion in 2026-27 for new targeted Medi-Cal provider rate increases and investments.

However, the MCO tax spending plan would be overturned if voters approve a ballot initiative this November that would make the tax permanent and require the state to use these dollars solely for certain provider rate increases.

What was the overall impact of the budget on critical programs and services?

The budget agreement rejects many harmful cuts to critical programs proposed by Governor Newsom in January and May. However, despite growing needs, the agreement includes considerable cuts to housing and safety net programs and makes no significant ongoing investments in critical programs and services.

Safety Net

Housing & Homelessness

Child Care

Health

Domestic Violence

What changes to the 2024-25 budget package might happen in August?

Budget decisions happen throughout the year, not just from January to June. In August, for example, the governor and legislative leaders will revisit the 2024-25 budget package and make changes by passing additional trailer bills and, potentially, amending the 2024 Budget Act.

In fact, the Legislature is expected to soon consider proposals that aim to smooth budget volatility by requiring the state to set aside more revenue in the future. State leaders have indicated that this plan includes two components:

  • Require a portion of a projected budget surplus to be placed in a “temporary holding account” to be allocated in future years if anticipated revenues are actually realized; and
  • Ask voters to 1) amend the state Constitution to increase the maximum size of the Budget Stabilization Account (“rainy day fund”) — which is currently capped at 10% of General Fund tax proceeds — and 2) exclude deposits to state reserve funds from the state spending limit created by Proposition 4 in 1979 (the “Gann Limit”).

These proposals involve trade-offs. Expanding reserves would provide more budget resilience during revenue downturns and help policymakers avoid making harmful cuts. But some critical needs of Californians may remain unmet if additional resources must be saved instead of being immediately invested in California’s communities.

What more should state leaders do next year and beyond to create an equitable California?

For every Californian — from different races, backgrounds, and places — to thrive and share in the state’s economic and social life, strategic policy choices must be made. To a large extent, these choices are made through the state budget process. State leaders should set funding and policy priorities that help all Californians share in the wealth that they help create while also ensuring that the state’s tax dollars are invested in the areas of greatest need.

To achieve these goals — and move toward a more equitable California — bold approaches are needed across a broad range of public services and systems. For example, state leaders should:

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Introduction

Governor Gavin Newsom released a summary of the May Revision to his proposed 2024-25 California state budget on May 10, projecting a $44.9 billion shortfall, or $27.6 billion shortfall, when taking into account early budget action taken by the legislature in April to reduce the shortfall by $17.3 billion. While many of the details are forthcoming, the governor proposes to close the budget gap through the partial use of reserves, spending cuts, and delays or deferrals of spending authorized in earlier years. While the $201 billion General Fund spending plan would protect many investments made in prior years, it also includes cuts and delays to programs and services that affect the day-to-day lives of Californians, particularly foster youth, Californians with disabilities, immigrant communities, students, and families with young children. Notably, the administration’s strategy demonstrates continued resistance to adopting long-term revenue solutions, putting corporate profits over families. This shortsighted approach exacerbates wealth inequality, stalls progress, and undermines the governor’s vision of a California for all.

WHat is the May Revision?

Released on or before May 14, the May Revision updates the governor’s economic and revenue outlook; adjusts the governor’s proposed expenditures to reflect revised estimates and assumptions; revises, supplements, or withdraws policy initiatives that were included in the governor’s proposed budget in January; and outlines adjustments to the minimum funding guarantee for K-14 education required by Proposition 98 (1988).

The rapid shift from a budget surplus, as was the case in recent fiscal years, to the budget shortfall we face today, is a lingering effect of the unprecedented COVID-19 pandemic and its impact on the economy. The projected budget shortfall is primarily the result of state revenue collections that the administration now projects are $12.5 billion lower over the three-year budget window (fiscal years 2022-23 through 2024-25) than was anticipated in the governor’s January proposal. The shortfall reflects the steep stock market decline in 2022 — after significant growth in 2020 and 2021 — that negatively impacted income tax collections from high-income Californians and corporations, as well as the economic dampening effects of the Federal Reserve’s interest rate hikes.

Lower state revenues over the three-year budget window result in automatic adjustments to constitutionally-required funding allocations, including to the state’s main reserve and education reserve accounts, as well as reduced funding for K-12 schools and community colleges.

The governor’s proposed solutions to cover the shortfall would partially draw down on various state reserves. The solutions include using $12 billion enacted through legislative early action in April, however, just $3.1 billion would be used in 2024-25, and $8.9 billion would be shifted to 2025-26. The administration also proposes draining the Safety Net Reserve ($900 million), withdrawing $2.6 billion from the Public School System Stabilization Account for education, and leaving an estimated $22.9 billion for future use.

The administration’s proposals include billions in cuts, delays, and deferrals of critical investments intended to improve the health and well-being of all Californians. Reductions that will disproportionately affect the lives of low-income communities, Californians of color, Californians with disabilities, and families with children include, among others:

  • Ongoing cuts to CalWORKs for supportive services, home visiting, and mental health/substance abuse services (despite draining the Safety Net Reserve intended to be used to avoid cuts to CalWORKs) and a one-time cut in employment services,
  • Cuts to programs that help address homelessness and provide affordable housing,
  • Indefinitely delaying further expanding child care slots, 
  • Various reductions in investments in behavioral health, including cuts to infrastructure, housing, workforce, and youth behavioral health initiatives,
  • Cuts in ongoing support for public health and one-time investments in the health workforce, 
  • Cuts to services for Californians who are undocumented, including ongoing support for the expansion of In-Home Support Services (IHSS) and delayed expansion of the California Food Assistance Program (CFAP),  
  • Pulling back investments in transitional kindergarten (T-K) facilities and pre-kindergarten (pre-K) inclusivity of students with disabilities.

The revised budget also continues to utilize a controversial accounting maneuver to shift $8.8 billion in K-12 schools and community college (K-14) costs  — on paper — from 2022-23 to later fiscal years and pay for these delayed expenses using non-K-14 funds. 

The May Revision proposals would protect and maintain some progress made in prior budget years to help improve economic security and opportunities for Californians with low incomes and Californians of color, including expanding full-scope Medi-Cal coverage to all Californians, maintaining investments in cash assistance through the CalEITC, Young Child Tax Credit, and Foster Youth Tax Credit, and temporary rate increases for child care providers.

However, state leaders have the tools and resources to prevent other harmful cuts. By further tapping into the state’s main rainy day fund and permanently reducing tax breaks for profitable corporations, state leaders can ensure corporations pay their fair share and avoid cuts to services that help Californians stay healthy, housed, and put food on the table.

This First Look report outlines key pieces of the May Revision to the 2024-25 California budget proposal, and explores how the governor prioritized spending and determined cuts to balance the budget amid a sizable projected state budget shortfall.

Contents

Budget Overview

Economic Outlook: Revised Budget Projects Moderate Job and Wage Growth
Revenue: Revised Budget Reflects Additional $12.5 Billion Downgrade in Revenue Outlook
Tax Policy: Modified Tax Proposals Include Temporary Business Tax Break Limitations
Reserves: May Revision Includes Withdrawal of Reserve Funds, Proposes New Fund to House “Excess Revenue”

Health

Coverage, Affordability & Access: Governor Upholds Medi-Cal Expansion, Amends MCO Tax, Proposes Harmful Cuts
Health Workforce: Revised Budget Severely Cuts Health Care Workforce Development
Behavioral Health: Behavioral Health Initiatives Mostly Sustained, But New Cuts Proposed
Public Health: Cuts to Public Health Leave Californians Vulnerable to Future Threats

Homelessness & Housing

Homelessness: May Revision Reduces Limited Funding for Homelessness
Housing: May Revision Proposes Deeper Cuts for Affordable Housing

Economic Security

Overview: May Revision Proposes Alarming Cuts to Vital Safety Nets
Refundable Tax Credits: Revised Budget Maintains Tax Credits for Californians with Low Incomes
Refundable Tax Credits: Revised Budget Does Not Implement Workers’ Tax Credit Slated for 2024
CalWORKs: May Revision Proposes Additional Cuts to Critical CalWORKs Support Services
Food Assistance: Governor Proposes Cuts and Delays to Previous Food Assistance Commitments
Child Care: Governor Maintains Temporary Rate Increase, Pauses Slot Expansion
Californians with Disabilities: Governor Protects SSI/SSP but Cuts Key Services for People with Disabilities
Immigrant Californians: Proposal Eliminates and Delays Vital Services for Immigrant Californians, Maintains Cut to Legal Services
Domestic Violence: Governor Does Not Provide Needed Support to Domestic Violence Survivors

Education

Early Learning & Pre-K: Transitional Kindergarten Expansion Continues While Facilities are Cut
Proposition 98: K-14 Education’s Minimum Funding Level Drops Due to Lower Revenue Estimates
K-12 Education: Budget Proposal Relies on Reserves to Support K-12 School Funding Formula
Community Colleges: Revised Budget Increases Reserve Withdrawals for Community Colleges Funding
CSU/UC: Revised Proposal Maintains Deferrals for the CSU and UC Systems
Student Financial Aid: May Revision Abandons Commitments to Expand Student Financial Aid

Justice System

State Corrections: May Revision Calls for Deactivating Prison Housing Units, but Not Prison Closures
Retail Theft: Revised Budget Continues to Provide Over $100 Million to Address Retail Theft
Proposition 47 Investments: Revised Budget Estimates Proposition 47 Savings of $95 Million for Local Investments

Workforce & Climate Change

Other/General Workforce: Governor Proposes Additional Cuts to Several Workforce Programs
Climate Change: Revised Budget Proposes Further Cuts to Prior Environment Commitments

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How does the governor’s administration navigate and prioritize spending in the face of a challenging fiscal landscape?

Join us for this free, virtual event on May 22.

Budget Overview

Revised Budget Projects Moderate Job and Wage Growth

The administration’s economic outlook projects trends in major economic indicators that affect state tax collections and revenues in the budget. The revised outlook projects steady, but slowing national economic growth into next year, with California job gains expected to remain relatively weak through 2025. The number of nonfarm jobs in the state is forecast to increase by just 0.1% in 2024 and 0.4% in 2025, following a stronger increase of 0.9% in 2023 and 1.5% in 2019, just before the pandemic. California’s unemployment rate is projected to remain relatively higher in the near term as well: 5.2% in 2024 and 5.3% in 2025, up from 4.7% in 2023 and 4.1% in 2019. Wages and incomes are also expected to grow more slowly this year and next than just prior to and coming out of the pandemic downturn. The revised budget does not project a recession in the near term, but does note that if inflation remains elevated, the Federal Reserve could maintain higher interest rates which could slow economic activity by more than projected. 

While the administration’s outlook is useful for understanding how economic conditions might impact budget revenues, it’s also important to consider how economic conditions are affecting Californians with low incomes, who count on programs and services funded by the budget. In March 2024, the majority of California households with incomes under $25,000 (55%) reported having difficulty paying for basic needs like food, housing, and medical expenses, according to the most recent US Census Pulse survey. Black, Latinx, and other Californians of color, as well as households with children were more likely to struggle paying for basic expenses. The Census data from March also show that 42% of Black households with children and 32% of Latinx households with children did not have enough to eat, compared to 15% of white households with children. Among all households with children, about one-quarter (24%) had insufficient food. In addition, the latest Census data show that California continues to have the highest poverty rate of the 50 states based on the Supplemental Poverty Measure, which provides a more accurate picture of poverty by accounting for differences in the cost of housing across communities. Housing costs in California typically exceed costs in the rest of the nation, and rents have risen sharply in many parts of the state in recent years making it difficult for Californians with low incomes to afford housing.

Revised Budget Reflects Additional $12.5 Billion Downgrade in Revenue Outlook

The governor’s revised proposal is based on an updated revenue estimate for the three-year budget window spanning fiscal years 2022-23 through 2024-25. After lower-than-expected tax collections since the governor’s January proposal, the administration now expects General Fund revenues to be about $12.5 billion lower over that window than the January estimate. This is before taking into account loans and transfers, the governor’s revenue proposals, and other budget solutions (see Tax Proposals section).

The administration continues to have a more optimistic revenue outlook than the Legislative Analyst’s Office, which recently projected that the three-year total of the “Big Three” General Fund revenues sources — personal income taxes, corporate taxes, and sales taxes, which together make up the majority of General Fund revenues — could be around $19 billion lower than the governor’s January projection.

After accounting for automatic spending changes resulting from the lower revenue estimate, the governor estimates that the downgraded revenue outlook results in a $7 billion addition to the three-year state deficit the governor identified in January. 

The administration expects state revenue growth to generally return to the pre-pandemic pattern after the dramatic spike in revenues during the pandemic as the stock market surged and then subsequently corrected.

Modified Tax Proposals Include Temporary Business Tax Break Limitations

In January, the governor proposed a modest package of revenue solutions that included limiting the extent to which businesses can use prior-year losses to offset their taxable profits (“Net Operating Loss carryforwards”), eliminating oil and gas tax subsidies, and other minor tax changes. These revenue proposals made up less than 1% of the total budget solutions proposed in January.

The May Revision modifies the January revenue-related proposals by:

While temporary limitations on businesses’ ability to reduce their state income taxes help to address the deficit in the short-term, the governor’s revised proposal does little to increase state revenues on an ongoing basis and misses key opportunities to make the state’s tax system more fair. Policymakers should consider permanent limitations on business tax credits — as some states already do — to ensure that businesses are not paying next to nothing in state income taxes when they turn large profits. State leaders should also explore other options to permanently increase state revenues by making the corporate tax system more fair and eliminating or reforming other costly and inequitable tax breaks, which are not regularly considered as part of the budget process.

May Revision Includes Withdrawal of Reserve Funds, Proposes New Fund to House “Excess Revenue”

California has a number of state reserve accounts that set aside funds intended to be used for a “rainy day” when economic conditions worsen and state revenues decline. Some reserves are established in the state’s Constitution to require deposits and restrict withdrawals, and some are at the discretion of state policymakers.  

California voters approved Proposition 2 in November 2014, amending the California Constitution to revise the rules for the state’s Budget Stabilization Account (BSA), commonly referred to as the rainy day fund. Prop. 2 requires an annual set-aside equal to 1.5% of estimated General Fund revenues. An additional set-aside is required when capital gains revenues in a given year exceed 8% of General Fund tax revenues. For 15 years — from 2015-16 to 2029-30 — half of these funds must be deposited into the rainy day fund, and the other half is to be used to reduce certain state liabilities (also known as “budgetary debt”).

Prop. 2 also established a new state budget reserve for K-12 schools and community colleges called the Public School System Stabilization Account (PSSSA). The PSSSA requires that when certain conditions are met, the state must deposit a portion of General Fund revenues into this reserve as part of California’s Prop. 98 funding guarantee (see Prop. 98 section). In order to access the funds in the BSA and PSSSA, the governor must declare a budget emergency — an action that is not included in the May Revision or in the early budget action agreed to by the governor and Legislature in April, but will be necessary to access these funds.

The BSA and the PSSSA are not California’s only reserve funds. The 2018-19 budget agreement created the Safety Net Reserve Fund, which holds funds intended to be used to maintain benefits and services for CalWORKs and Medi-Cal participants in the event of an economic downturn. Additionally, the state has a Special Fund for Economic Uncertainties (SFEU) — a reserve fund that accounts for unallocated General Fund dollars and that gives state leaders total discretion as to when and how they can use the available funds.

The current-year (2023-24) budget, enacted in mid-2023, projected $22.3 billion in the BSA; $10.8 billion in the PSSSA; $900 million in the Safety Net Reserve; and $3.8 billion in the SFEU. However, revenue adjustments in the current year result in updated 2023-24 projections in the governor’s proposed budget — $22.6 billion in the BSA; $2.6 billion in the PSSSA; $900 million in the Safety Net Reserve; and a shortfall of $843 million in the SFEU, which fluctuates throughout the year based on changes in revenues.

In April 2024, the governor and legislative leaders agreed to an early action budget package to partially address the state’s budget shortfall that included drawing down $12 billion from the BSA, a proposal that was also included in the governor’s January budget proposal.

The May Revision:

  • Includes the $12 billion withdrawal from the BSA, but spreads the withdrawal over the next two fiscal years — utilizing only $3.1 billion in 2024-25 and shifting $8.9 billion to 2025-26. 
  • Withdraws all $900 million from the Safety Net Reserve, despite also proposing significant cuts to the CalWORKs program, a program the reserve is designed to protect (see CalWORKs section).
  • Withdraws $5.8 billion from the PSSSA in 2023-24 and the remaining $2.6 billion in 2024-25.
  • Projects a 2024-25 year-end SFEU balance of $3.4 billion.

In total, the May Revision proposes to withdraw less from the state’s rainy day funds for 2024-25 than the governor’s January proposal, despite the fact that the administration projects that the budget shortfall has increased since January. Taking into account the remaining reserves in the BSA and the SFEU, the governor’s May Revision projects total remaining reserves of $22.9 billion at the end of 2024-25, compared to $18.4 billion in the governor’s January proposal. 

Given that the administration’s approach to resolving the state budget shortfall includes an array of harmful cuts to vital programs and services that help Californians with low incomes, communities of color, and Californians with disabilities, state leaders appear to have additional room to responsibly draw upon reserves to protect those programs and also leave funds available to address future fiscal uncertainties.

New Fund to Capture “Excess Revenue”

The May Revision also signaled the administration’s intent to enact legislation to enable state leaders to save more during future upswings in revenue by requiring the state to set aside a portion of anticipated “surplus” funds — funds that exceed a yet-to-be-determined standard for historical trends. The administration notes that the funds would not be able to be committed until revenues have been realized. 

While the specifics of the governor’s proposal are not yet available, any efforts to set aside additional funds would likely interact with other constitutional requirements that affect state spending and reserves, including Prop. 4 (1979; the “Gann Limit”), Prop. 98 (1988), and Prop. 2 (2014). For instance, the administration notes that amendments would be needed to Prop. 2 to allow for increased deposits to the BSA. Any amendments to the constitutional provisions, however, would need to be approved by California voters.

State Budget Reserves Explained

See our report, California’s State Budget Reserves Explained, to learn more about the savings accounts policymakers can use to support Californians in times of budget shortfalls.

Health

Governor Upholds Medi-Cal Expansion, Amends MCO Tax, Proposes Harmful Cuts

Access to health care is necessary for everyone to be healthy and thrive. About 14.5 million Californians with modest incomes — nearly half of whom are Latinx — are projected to receive free or low-cost health care through Medi-Cal (California’s Medicaid program) in 2024-25. Another 1.8 million Californians purchase health coverage through Covered California, the state’s health insurance marketplace. 

The May Revision maintains recent Medi-Cal expansions, but pulls back on other health care investments that were established in prior years. Specifically, the revised budget:

The May Revise also amends the Managed Care Organization (MCO) tax revenue and expenditure proposal. The MCO tax is a provider tax imposed by states on health care services that essentially reduces, or offsets, state General Fund spending on Medi-Cal. The federal government approved the initial MCO tax proposal last year. In January, the administration proposed to increase the MCO tax and the May Revision proposes an additional amendment to the MCO tax to include health plan Medicare revenue, resulting in an additional $689.9 million in reduced General Fund costs in 2024-25, $950 million in 2025-26, and $1.3 billion in 2026-27. These changes would be subject to federal approval. Overall, the May Revision includes $9.7 billion in MCO tax funds over multiple years to support the Medi-Cal program. However, rather than using $6.7 billion of this amount to continue Medi-Cal provider rate increases, as originally planned, these funds will be used to offset General Fund spending. 

The May Revise does protect some health care investments that were established in prior years. Specifically, the budget:

Lastly, the May Revision includes directed payments to children’s hospitals and public hospitals. This includes an annual allocation of $230 million to support children’s hospitals, with half of these funds provided by the federal government and the remaining half sourced from the Medi-Cal Provider Payment Reserve Fund. 

Revised Budget Severely Cuts Health Care Workforce Development

Access to health care services is important for everyone’s health and well-being. The state’s workforce must meet the needs of Californians to achieve equitable access to timely and culturally competent health services. While state policymakers have made considerable investments in recent years to bolster the health workforce, investments in various health workforce areas still fall short. 

Despite the clear need to invest in the health workforce, the May Revision cuts over $1 billion over multiple years. This includes:

The May Revision also modifies previous plans to enhance Medi-Cal provider participation under the Managed Care Organization (MCO) tax proposal. While the revised budget maintains $727 million to increase provider rates for primary care, maternity care (including doulas), and non-specialty mental health services, it reallocates $6.7 billion previously intended for other health areas, including primary and specialty care in Medi-Cal, abortion and family planning access, clinics, and the Medi-Cal workforce pool. This redirection of funds towards existing Medi-Cal services is sensible in a budget deficit, but it raises concerns about the impact on timely access to health care services.

The health care workforce and access to health care services are intrinsically linked. If people cannot find a health care provider in their area or face extended wait times for an appointment, they do not have meaningful access to health care. State policymakers must continue to build a health care workforce that not only meets the needs of Californians but also mirrors the state’s diverse population in terms of race, ethnicity, sability, gender identity, and sexual orientation. Doing so will require sustained, ongoing investments, not cuts.

Behavioral Health Initiatives Mostly Sustained, But New Cuts Proposed

Millions of Californians who cope with behavioral health conditions — mental illness or substance use disorders — rely on services and supports that are primarily provided by California’s 58 counties. Improving California’s behavioral health system is critical to ensuring access to these services for all Californians, regardless of race, age, gender identity, sexual orientation, or county of residence. 

In recent years, state policymakers have launched various initiatives to transform California’s behavioral health system with the goal of improving access. Proposition 1, the most recent of these initiatives, was approved earlier this year. Prop. 1 is a two-part measure that 1) amends California’s Mental Health Services Act and 2) creates a $6.38 billion general obligation bond to fund behavioral health treatment and residential facilities as well as supportive housing for veterans and Californians with behavioral health needs.

The May Revise includes some initial funding to begin Prop. 1 implementation, including:

In the governor’s January budget proposal and the revised budget proposal, the administration maintains funding to continue behavioral health initiatives that state leaders launched in recent years. For instance, the revised budget sustains the Behavioral Health Community-Based Organized Networks of Equitable Care and Treatment (BH-CONNECT) Demonstration, which aims to improve mental health services for Medi-Cal members. The administration assumes that implementation of BH-CONNECT will begin on January 1, 2025. Major reforms to the Medi-Cal program as well as the level of federal funding provided must be negotiated with the federal government through the Medicaid waiver process. As such, implementation will depend on the availability of funding and federal approval.

However, the revised budget also proposes a series of cuts and delays to other behavioral health initiatives. Specifically, the revised budget:

Investing in the state’s behavioral health system is crucial for supporting Californians who are coping with mental health conditions or substance use disorders. State leaders should continue to invest in the behavioral health system and address the behavioral health workforce shortage. Policymakers can also invest in efforts to make sure that the behavioral health workforce better reflects the diversity of all Californians, including their gender identities and sexual orientations.

Cuts to Public Health Leave Californians Vulnerable to Future Threats

Everyone should have the opportunity to be healthy and thrive. The California Department of Public Health as well as local public health departments are vital in protecting and promoting Californians’ health and well-being. From improving living conditions to promoting healthy lifestyles to responding to infectious disease emergencies, public health workers are essential.

Despite this important responsibility, funding has not kept pace with the cost of responding to ongoing and emerging health threats. Many Californians suffered during the COVID-19 pandemic due to the state’s lack of preparedness. Communities of color experienced higher rates of illness and death due to historic and ongoing structural racism that deny many communities the opportunity to be healthy and thrive. Structural racism continues to underscore the need to address the root cause of health disparities through public health initiatives. 

In an alarming move, the governor’s revised budget proposes significant cuts to public health investments that were established in previous years. Specifically, the May Revision eliminates $52.5 million in 2023-24 and $300 million ongoing General Fund thereafter to improve public health infrastructure at the state and local level. Under this revised spending plan, local health jurisdictions would no longer continue to receive a minimum base allocation to support workforce expansion, data collection and integration, and partnerships with health care delivery systems and community-based organizations. At the state level, these cuts will reduce the capacity to assess and respond to current and emerging public health threats and will weaken key functions such as emergency preparedness and public health communications.

These cuts to public health capacities are short-sighted and harmful. After years of underinvestment in public health, these dollars provided much-needed infrastructure support. Given that public health emergencies and climate change disasters often disproportionately impact people with low incomes and communities of color, these cuts undo progress to advance health equity. State leaders should ensure that counties and cities have the capacity to address ongoing and future public health threats.

Homelessness & Housing

May Revision Reduces Limited Funding for Homelessness

Having a place to call home is core to living with dignity and health. Yet homeless service providers served over 330,000 Californians experiencing homelessness last year, underscoring both the need and increased capacity of the state’s response systems. Homelessness providers and localities are serving more individuals and families than ever before partially due to previous one-time state funding investments that provided critical resources for homelessness prevention and resolution services. Despite this, the May Revision proposes no new resources and reduces previous allocations, effectively leaving no significant state funding to address homelessness in 2024-25 or beyond. 

The May Revision proposes to eliminate $260 million in supplemental grant funds for the  Homeless Housing, Assistance and Prevention (HHAP) Grant Program in 2025-26, but maintains the last round of funding in 2023-24. HHAP is critical as it provides local jurisdictions with flexible funds to address homelessness in their communities in a variety of ways, ranging from rental and operating subsidies to acquiring shelter, interim and permanent housing beds, and street outreach, among other uses. The May Revision also changes previously proposed funding delays into funding cuts for various homelessness programs that serve diverse populations.

These funding reductions include:

Also notable is the increased reduction of $450.7 million one-time from the last round of the Behavioral Health Continuum Infrastructure Program (BHCIP), leaving $30 million one-time General Fund in 2024-25. This program provides competitive grants to expand the community continuum of behavioral health treatment resources ranging from wellness centers to psychiatric care facilities. BHCIP will be receiving $4.4 billion in bond funds through Proposition 1, which voters approved in March 2024. The Department of Health Care Services is anticipated to open funding applications this summer and begin granting competitive awards by the fall (see Behavioral Health section). Prop 1. also restructures funds from the Mental Health Services Act, which exists separately from the state budget. It now requires counties to redirect 30% of these funds for housing interventions for people experiencing or at risk of homelessness with behavioral health conditions. However, these funds are inadequate to address the overarching need for state investments, as they focus solely on a specific subset of unhoused Californians.

May Revision Proposes Deeper Cuts for Affordable Housing

All Californians deserve a safe, stable, and affordable place to call home. However, many are blocked from this opportunity due to California’s affordable housing shortage and accompanying high housing costs. Renters, people with low incomes, Black and Latinx Californians, and undocumented Californians are especially likely to struggle to afford their homes. Yet despite noting California’s serious housing affordability challenges, the May Revision proposes deeper funding reductions and scarce new investments to affordable housing programs.

The administration now proposes $1.7 billion in General Fund reductions for various programs that support affordable housing development and homeownership. The May Revision reductions build on those in the January proposed budget. These include:

  • An additional reduction of $236.5 million General Fund for the Foreclosure Intervention Housing Preservation Program in 2023-24, bringing the total reduction to $474 million, which will eliminate the program.
  • An additional reduction of $75 million General Fund for the Multifamily Housing Program, bringing the total reduction to $325 million General Fund, eliminating state funding in 2023-24.
  • A newly proposed reduction of $127.5 million General Fund for the Adaptive Reuse Program, with $87.5 million from the 2023 Budget Act and $40 million from the 2022 Budget Act, which will eliminate the program. 
  • An additional reduction of $35 million General Fund for the Infill Infrastructure Grant Program, with $25 million from 2023 Budget Act and $10 million from the 2022 Budget Act, eliminating state funding in 2023-24.
  • An additional reduction of $26.3 million General Fund for the Veterans Housing and Homelessness Prevention Program from the 2022 Budget Act. The January proposed budget already fully reduced allocated state funds for this program in 2023-24.

The May Revision does reinstate an additional $500 million for state Low Income Housing Tax Credits – as has been done since 2019 – which help promote and finance affordable housing development. The administration also highlights Proposition 1, approved by voters in March, as providing some funding for supportive housing programs. Prop. 1 provides roughly $2 billion in bond funds for the development of permanent supportive housing units specifically for Californians experiencing or at risk of homelessness with behavioral health needs (see Homelessness and Behavioral Health sections). Over half of these funds are designated for veterans. The Department of Housing and Community Development is anticipated to open applications for this funding at the end of 2024. However, these funds are specifically for supportive housing units and fall short in providing the diverse critical investments needed to continue meaningful, affordable housing development in California.

state budget terms defined

What’s the difference between a trailer bill and policy bill? A deficit and an operating deficit? And what exactly is a “Budget Bill Jr.?” Our Glossary of State Budget Terms answers that and more.

Economic Security

May Revision Proposes Alarming Cuts to Vital Safety Nets

While California has made significant investments in its social safety net in recent years, millions of people in communities across the state are still struggling to make ends meet as the cost of living continues to outpace incomes. Poverty, particularly among children and people of color, is on the rise. Despite this, the governor’s proposed budget includes very concerning cuts to vital safety net programs that may have devastating consequences for California families with the greatest needs. Cuts to the Department of Social Services, which administers the state’s safety net programs, total nearly $2 billion in the 2024-2025 fiscal year alone. These cuts target key investments in CalWORKs, food assistance, and child care. The budget proposal outright eliminates several critical support services for CalWORKs families, significantly reduces funding for program administration, and drains the dedicated reserves that were designed to protect the program from cuts.

Additionally, the proposal delays a long-awaited program expansion of food assistance to undocumented older adults and defunds a pilot to increase CalFresh benefits. In delaying and eliminating these vital services, which were small stepping stones to larger expansions that would close gaps in food insecurity across the state, the proposal would take California a step backward. In the child care space, the governor indefinitely delays his promised slot expansion despite the growing unmet need. Other cuts in this space would affect programs that serve foster youth and people with disabilities. 

California’s future largely depends on children whose entire lives will be shaped by the extent to which our state invests in their education, health, and well-being. But children cannot thrive unless their families thrive. Despite the budget shortfall, California’s leaders have a responsibility to ensure that our state’s children and families have the opportunity to reach their full potential.

Revised Budget Maintains Tax Credits for Californians with Low Incomes

California’s Earned Income Tax Credit (CalEITC), Young Child Tax Credit, and Foster Youth Tax Credit are refundable state income tax credits that provide tax refunds or reductions in state taxes owed to millions of Californians with low incomes, boosting their incomes and helping them to pay for basic needs like food. These credits also help to promote racial and gender equity by targeting cash to Californians of color, immigrants, and women who are frequently blocked from economic opportunities and forced into low-paying jobs that fail to provide economic security.

The administration maintains these tax credits in the revised budget while also continuing to cut funding for free tax preparation assistance, education, and outreach,  in half to $10 million in 2024-25, as proposed in January. These funds support community based organizations (CBOs) in their efforts to educate community members about state and federal refundable tax credits, connect eligible tax filers to free tax preparation services and assist tax filers in applying for or renewing Individual Taxpayer Identification Numbers, which some Californians must have in order to claim tax credits. Cutting this funding will reduce the capacity of CBOs to provide these services.

Revised Budget Does Not Implement Workers’ Tax Credit Slated for 2024

The 2022-23 budget included a new refundable tax credit for workers slated to become available in tax year 2024 if the Department of Finance determined that sufficient General Fund resources were available to support it. This credit was intended to help cover the cost of being a member of a labor union, particularly among workers with lower incomes who are typically excluded from an existing tax deduction for certain business expenses, including union dues. The administration does not include this new tax credit in the revised 2024-25 budget given the multi-year budget shortfall.

May Revision Proposes Additional Cuts to Critical CalWORKs Support Services

The California Work Opportunity and Responsibility to Kids (CalWORKs) program is a critical component of California’s safety net for families with low incomes. The program helps over 650,000 children and their families, who are predominantly people of color, with modest cash grants, employment assistance, and critical supportive services. The governor’s May Revision proposes deeply concerning cuts to CalWORKs administrative and program funding in addition to the significant cuts proposed in January.

The newly proposed cuts include:

  • A one-time reduction of $272 million in 2024-25 for employment services under the single allocation funding.
  • An ongoing reduction of $126.6 million for Mental Health and Substance Abuse Services, effectively eliminating this service. 
  • An ongoing reduction of $47.1 million for the Home Visiting Program, which is designed to support positive health, development, and well-being of CalWORKs families with children under 2.

This amounts to a total cut of $445.7 million. Adding on to the cuts proposed in January, which totaled about $293 million in FY 24-25, this brings the total to about $739 million in cuts to CalWORKs, two-thirds of which would be ongoing. For many years, California has led the way in expanding CalWORKs support services, recognizing families have diverse needs and often need additional support to address barriers to work and improve their well-being. Taking programs away that offer mental health support, crisis intervention (Family Stabilization Program), and parenting support (Home Visiting Program), which research has shown can reduce or prevent the effects of adverse experiences for children, could jeopardize families’ ability to meet all program requirements and maintain access to their grants. Families not meeting strict program requirements will be at risk of punitive sanctions, which will only push them deeper into poverty. 

In addition to the proposed cuts, the governor’s budget does not include funding to redirect collected child support payments from the state back to former CalWORKs parents. For formerly assisted families, outstanding child support debt that is collected does not go to the families but rather goes to the state, county, and federal governments as “reimbursement” for the costs associated with the CalWORKs program.  Under this change, which was supposed to go into effect in April 2024, these families would have received an estimated annual total pass-through of $187 million annually.

Additionally, the governor proposes drawing down the full $900 million in the Safety Net Reserve, which was created to maintain existing CalWORKs and Medi-Cal benefits and services during an economic downturn (see Reserves section). While the governor does not propose cutting cash grants, given the projections of a sustained deficit in upcoming years, fully drawing down the reserve will leave CalWORKs vulnerable to additional cuts, similar to what occurred during the Great Recession. Closing the budget shortfall at the expense of families with low incomes is a short-sighted approach that could have detrimental effects on California’s economy and families facing the greatest needs.

Governor Proposes Cuts and Delays to Previous Food Assistance Commitments

All Californians should be able to put enough food on the table without having to go without other basic needs. But about 1 in 11 California households — and 1 in 8 California households with children — sometimes or often didn’t have enough to eat in March 2024, according to recent US Census Household Pulse data. In recent years, households have been hit with both rising food prices as well as the expiration of enhanced pandemic-era food benefits

CalFresh — California’s version of the federally funded Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP) — provides modest food assistance benefits to about 5.4 million Californians. The California Food Assistance Program (CFAP) is a state-funded program providing food benefits to certain non-citizens who are excluded from receiving federal  benefits, but undocumented immigrants are still excluded from CFAP benefits. The 2021-22 budget agreement included a plan to expand CFAP to Californians aged 55 and older who are excluded solely due to their immigration status. The expansion is currently set to begin in October 2025.

While the governor’s January budget proposal generally maintained prior commitments to  improve and expand the state’s food assistance programs, the May Revision proposes cuts and delays that would reverse or pause recent progress, including:

Additionally, the budget does not include funding to implement Cal Grant reform, which would allow more college students to access CalFresh benefits (see Financial Aid section). The 2022 budget included a plan for Cal Grant reform, but it was subject to sufficient funds being available in 2024, so this was one of several “trigger” proposals included 2022 that will not be moving forward this year.

Finally, the budget includes $63 million in additional funding to implement the universal school meals program to account for an expected increase in the number of meals to be provided and a cost-of-living increase (see K-12 Education section). The $63 million is in addition to the increase included in the January proposal.

Governor Maintains Temporary Rate Increase, Pauses Slot Expansion

Thousands of families in California rely on subsidized child care and development programs administered by the California Department of Social Services (CDSS) as a critical resource for supporting their families to grow and thrive. While the state has made improvements to California’s child care system — most recently through reforming family fees and committing to an alternative methodology for child care provider reimbursements — the system is still falling short for many families and child care providers. For example, as of 2022, only one in nine children eligible for subsidized child care received services, despite growing demand. Moreover, the state released data this year showing that 73% of family child care providers do not pay themselves a salary. The administration therefore has an opportunity to advance progress toward creating an equitable child care system that meets the needs of all families and reflects the integral role of child care providers.

The governor’s revised budget:

Governor Protects SSI/SSP but Cuts Key Services for People with Disabilities

All Californians should be included, supported, and treated with dignity in their communities, regardless of disability status. In California, people with disabilities can access several essential programs and services to manage their needs. The governor’s revised budget maintains a recent increase to the largest cash assistance program serving low-income Californians with disabilities, but builds on January’s proposed cuts and reduces support for key programs serving this population.

Specifically, the governor’s budget:

The governor’s January proposal included:

The May Revision maintains these delays in funding and also:

Immigrants are an integral part of California’s communities. They are not just part of the state’s mighty economic engine as taxpayers, entrepreneurs, and members of the workforce — they enrich our cultural identity as the Golden State. They are students, teachers, artists, chefs, religious leaders, colleagues, neighbors, and family members. 

California has the largest share of immigrant residents of any state. Over half of all California workers are immigrants or children of immigrants, and nearly 2 million Californians are undocumented, according to recent estimates.

State leaders have made notable progress in recent years working toward a California for all, where all people have access to economic opportunity and essential services, regardless of immigration status. Extending full-scope Medi-Cal eligibility to undocumented Californians is one significant example of this, and the governor’s May Revision maintains the final and most recent step in this expansion, extending coverage to adults ages 26 to 49. However, the revised budget takes a step backwards by eliminating or delaying other vital services for undocumented Californians that other Californians can access. Specifically, the revised budget:

The revised budget also maintains the governor’s January budget proposal to cut immigration legal services, which are a lifeline for immigrant families. Specifically, the May Revision:

  • Continues to permanently cut funding for the Temporary Protected Status (TPS) Services program, eliminating $10 million General Fund in 2023-24 and each year thereafter, zeroing out all resources for this program. 
  • Continues to permanently cut funding for the California State University Legal Services program by $5.2 million General Fund in 2023-24 and each year thereafter.

Cutting support for immigrant legal services is harmful. These services are crucial for helping immigrants stabilize their lives and remain in their communities. Immigration legal services can help put immigrants on a pathway to stability, particularly for those without status. Without access to legal services, immigrants can face greater risks of deportation and family separation, which can lead to financial hardship for families and adverse health outcomes. Given that newly arriving immigrants have the potential to grow the economy and contribute to state and local coffers, supporting them is a strategic investment in our collective future. 

The governor’s May Revision also reduces $29 million for the Rapid Response program in 2024-25, which helps sustain humanitarian support to individuals and families seeking safety at the California-Mexico border in partnership with local providers. This reversion in funds comes out of the $79.4 million General Fund reappropriated for the Rapid Response program from the 2021-22 and 2022-23 budget acts to 2023-24 as part of the early action budget deal approved by policymakers in April. The revised budget proposes no additional state funding for this program in 2024-25 despite the glaring need for continued investment

Eliminating and delaying vital services to Californians simply due to their immigration status would have a significant negative impact on immigrant communities and our collective prosperity and is a short-sighted approach to closing the state’s budget shortfall.

Governor Does Not Provide Needed Support to Domestic Violence Survivors

Every Californian deserves to live in a world where they feel safe. However, millions of Californians experience domestic and sexual violence every year — women, transgender, and non-binary Californians, and some women of color are most likely to experience this type of violence. 

Domestic and sexual violence prevention programs are proven ways to stop the violence from occurring in the first place by taking a proactive approach and seeking to shift culture on racial and gender inequities. Since 2018, state policymakers have provided small, one-time grants for prevention programs, administered by the California Governor’s Office of Emergency Services. Besides funding for prevention services, the state also receives federal funding through the Victims of Crime Act (VOCA) to help provide essential services to survivors of crime, including survivors of domestic violence. These funds help provide survivors with critical services like emergency shelter, counseling, and financial assistance. 

However, cuts to VOCA at the federal level are resulting in roughly a 45% cut to state grants for organizations that support survivors of crime, decimating the funding of many of these organizations who rely entirely on VOCA funding to provide these critical services.
Additionally, the last round of prevention grants will run out at the end of 2024. Prevention efforts take time, and organizations doing this critical work cannot commit to long term programming without permanent, ongoing funding.

In the May Revision, the governor:

While the governor has failed to include funding to support survivors of domestic and sexual violence among other crimes, a bipartisan group of Assemblymembers have issued an emergency budget request to address the VOCA funding shortfalls, recognizing the importance of protecting the state’s most vulnerable individuals. 

GUIDE TO THE STATE BUDGET PROCESS

See our report Guide to the California State Budget Process to learn more about the state budget and budget process.

Education

Transitional Kindergarten Expansion Continues While Facilities are Cut

The California Department of Education (CDE) hosts two early learning and care programs: Transitional Kindergarten (TK) and the California State Preschool Program (CSPP). CSPP provides preschool to children ages 3 and 4 for families with low to moderate incomes. TK serves 4-year-olds, and eligibility is based on age alone in public schools and is not dependent on family income. Given the overlap with the child care and development programs administered through the California Department of Social Services, CSPP is included in recent family fee and rate reform wins (see Child Care section). However, as Universal TK continues to roll out and CDSS child care and development programs face cuts and delays, the administration has the opportunity to ensure that all early learning and care programs have the resources they need to prioritize family needs and early educator well-being. 

The governor’s revised budget:

K-14 Education’s Minimum Funding Level Drops Due to Lower Revenue Estimates

Approved by voters in 1988, Proposition 98 constitutionally guarantees a minimum level of annual funding for K-12 schools, community colleges, and the state preschool program. The governor’s May Revision assumes a 2024-25 Prop. 98 funding level of $109.1 billion for K-14 education. Because the Prop. 98 guarantee tends to reflect changes in state General Fund revenues and estimates of General Fund revenue in the May Revision are lower than estimates in the January budget proposal, the governor’s revised spending plan assumes a decrease in the Prop. 98 guarantee in 2023-24 and 2022-23. Specifically, the May Revision assumes a 2023-24 Prop. 98 funding level of $102.6 billion, $3 billion lower than the $105.6 billion funding level assumed in the governor’s January budget proposal. The 2022-23 Prop. 98 funding level of $97.5 billion is roughly $800 million below the $98.3 billion funding level assumed in January, but it is $9.8 billion below the level assumed in the 2023-24 budget agreement – the largest decline in an estimated Prop. 98 guarantee for a prior-year since Prop. 98 was adopted. 

To address this unprecedented drop in the 2022-23 Prop. 98 guarantee, the governor’s May Revision proposes using the same complex accounting maneuver as the one he proposed in January: the revised budget plan attributes $8.8 billion in reduced Prop. 98 spending to the 2022-23 fiscal year, which would help reduce state General Fund spending to the lower revised Prop. 98 minimum funding level. However, the revised spending plan would not take away the $8.8 billion from K-12 schools and community colleges — dollars they received for 2022-23 that have largely been spent. Instead, the governor proposes to shift the $8.8 billion in K-14 education costs — on paper — from 2022-23 to later fiscal years and pay for these delayed expenses using non-Prop. 98 funds. 

The May Revision also reflects withdrawals of $5.8 billion in 2023-24 and $2.6 billion in 2024-25 from the Public School System Stabilization Account (PSSSA) – the state budget reserve for K-12 schools and community colleges (see Reserves section). Because the revised 2023-24 PSSSA balance of $2.6 billion is not projected to exceed 3% of the total K-12 share of the Prop. 98 minimum funding level in 2023-24, current law would allow K-12 school districts to maintain more than 10% of their budgets in local reserves in 2024-25.

Budget Proposal Relies on Reserves to Support K-12 School Funding Formula

The largest share of Prop. 98 funding goes to California’s school districts, charter schools, and county offices of education (COEs), which provide instruction to 5.9 million students in grades kindergarten through 12. The governor’s May Revision maintains the proposal made in his January budget to withdraw funds from the Public School System Stabilization Account (PSSSA) – the state budget reserve for K-12 schools and community colleges – to support the Local Control Funding Formula (LCFF), the state’s main K-12 education funding formula. Specifically, the governor’s revised spending plan:

Revised Budget Increases Reserve Withdrawals for Community Colleges Funding

A portion of Proposition 98 funding provides support for California’s Community Colleges (CCCs), the largest postsecondary education system in the country, which serves high percentages of students of color and students with low incomes. CCCs prepare more than 1.8 million students to transfer to four-year institutions or to obtain training and employment skills. 

The 2024-25 revised spending plan increases withdrawal amounts from the Prop. 98 reserve for CCC apportionments and provides additional resources to fund an increase in the cost-of-living adjustment (COLA). 

Specifically, the governor’s revised budget includes:

Revised Proposal Maintains Deferrals for the CSU and UC Systems

California supports two public four-year higher education institutions: the California State University (CSU) and the University of California (UC). The CSU provides undergraduate and graduate education to nearly 460,000 students at 23 campuses, and the UC provides undergraduate, graduate, and professional education to more than 290,000 students across 10 campuses. 

The governor’s revised budget includes additional cuts to higher education and maintains funding deferrals for both of the state’s public university systems. 

The January proposal included:

The May Revision maintains these proposals and also include the following cuts in higher education:

  • An ongoing reduction of nearly $14 million General Fund for the Proposition 56 General Fund backfill that supports Graduate Medical Education programs at the UC. 
  • An ongoing cut of $13 million General Fund for the UC Labor Centers. This funding provides support for economic research and labor education across various UC campuses. 
  • A reduction of $485 million General Fund of unspent one-time dollars for the Learning-Aligned Employment Program. The program provides resources for students at public colleges and universities to earn money while learning in a field related to their educational and career interests (see Workforce section).
  • A $60 million General Fund cut for the Golden State Teacher Grant Program. This program provides awards to students in professional preparation programs and who are working toward a teaching credential. 

May Revision Abandons Commitments to Expand Student Financial Aid

The budget shortfall and proposed solutions significantly impacts access to financial aid opportunities for California students. The May Revision does not include funding for the anticipated reform to the Cal Grant program and reduces funding for the Middle Class Scholarship (MCS). 

Specifically, the revised spending plan:

Overall, these budget choices have consequences for college affordability, degree attainment, and overall student well-being. Students pursuing postsecondary education confront significant hardship to afford basic necessities, and they are often forced to make difficult decisions that impact their college experience and degree completion.

Justice System

May Revision Calls for Deactivating Prison Housing Units, but Not Prison Closures

More than 93,000 adults who have been convicted of a felony offense are serving their sentences at the state level, down from a peak of 173,600 in 2007. This sizable drop in incarceration is largely due to justice system reforms adopted since the late 2000s, including Proposition 47, which California voters passed with nearly 60% support in 2014. Despite this substantial progress, American Indian, Black, and Latinx Californians are disproportionately represented in state prisons — a racial disparity that reflects racist practices in the justice system as well as structural disadvantages faced by communities of color.

Among all incarcerated adults, most — about 90,000 — are housed in state prisons designed to hold roughly 75,500 people. This overcrowding equals 119% of the prison system’s “design capacity,” which is below the prison population cap — 137.5% of design capacity — established by a 2009 federal court order. California also houses around 3,000 people in facilities that are not subject to the cap, including fire camps, in-state “contract beds,” and community-based facilities that provide rehabilitative services.

The May Revision:

Revised Budget Continues to Provide Over $100 Million to Address Retail Theft

Retail theft is defined in several ways in California law:

Retail theft rose following the isolation and social breakdown caused by the COVID-19 pandemic. In California, commercial burglary and robbery rates continued to exceed their pre-pandemic (2019) levels as of 2022, the most recent year for which statewide data are available. In contrast, California’s statewide shoplifting rate remains below the 2019 level despite a recent increase.

In January, Governor Newsom proposed to provide $119 million in 2024-25 to address organized retail theft and other crimes. This was the same amount of General Fund support provided in the current fiscal year (2023-24) despite the large budget shortfall the state is facing.

The May Revision modestly reduces the total funding level from $119 million to $115.4 million. This reflects a $3.6 million cut to the Vertical Prosecution Grant Program, which would see its funding reduced from $10 million to $6.4 million in 2024-25. The governor does not propose cuts in 2024-25 to other components of his organized retail theft package, which includes $85 million for local law enforcement agencies and $24 million for state-level task forces and prosecution teams.

Revised Budget Estimates Proposition 47 Savings of $95 Million for Local Investments

Overwhelmingly approved by voters in 2014, Prop. 47 reduced penalties for six nonviolent drug and property crimes from felonies to misdemeanors. Consequently, state prison generally is no longer a sentencing option for these crimes. Instead, individuals convicted of a Prop. 47 offense serve their sentence in county jail and/or receive probation.

By decreasing state-level incarceration, Prop. 47 reduced the cost of the prison system relative to the expected cost if Prop. 47 had not been approved by voters. The Department of Finance is required to annually calculate these state savings, which are deposited into the Safe Neighborhoods and Schools Fund and used as follows:

  • 65% for behavioral health services — which includes mental health services and substance use treatment — as well as diversion programs for individuals who have been arrested, charged, or convicted of crimes. These funds are distributed as competitive grants administered by the Board of State and Community Corrections.
  • 25% for K-12 school programs to support vulnerable youth. These funds are distributed as competitive grants administered by the California Department of Education.
  • 10% to trauma recovery services for crime victims. These funds are distributed as competitive grants administered by the California Victim Compensation Board.

As of the 2023 Budget Act, the state has allocated roughly $720 million in savings attributable to Prop. 47 — funds that have been invested in local programs that support healing and keep communities safe. For example, a recent evaluation shows that people who received Prop. 47-funded behavioral health services and/or participated in diversion programs were much less likely to be convicted of a new crime. Specifically, individuals enrolled in these programs had a recidivism rate of just 15.3% — two to three times lower than is typical for people who have served prison sentences (recidivism rates range from 35% to 45% for these individuals).

The May Revision estimates that Prop. 47 has generated an additional $94.8 million in state savings due to reduced state-level incarceration. These dollars will be allocated through the 2024 Budget Act, increasing Prop. 47’s total investment in California’s communities to more than $800 million since these savings were first allocated through the 2016 Budget Act.

Workforce & Climate Change

Governor Proposes Additional Cuts to Several Workforce Programs

The revised budget proposes to cut spending on several workforce development programs to help address the multi-year budget problem. (See Health Workforce section.) Specific cuts include:

In addition, the revised budget cuts $485 million General Fund in unspent one-time funds for the Learning-Aligned Employment Program in 2022-23. This program places eligible students at public colleges and universities in employment opportunities related to their area of study or career objectives. (See higher education sections.)

Revised Budget Proposes Further Cuts to Prior Environment Commitments

Californians across the state have increasingly seen the effects of climate change through devastating fires, droughts, and floods, but communities of color and low-income communities are often hit hardest by these catastrophes due to historical and ongoing displacement and underinvestment. Additionally, these communities are more likely to be exposed to environmental pollutants for the same reasons. 

Significant investments in climate resilience were made through recent years’ budgets. Most of the commitments were one-time investments intended to be made across several years, so there are significant unspent funds remaining. In January, the governor proposed budget solutions that included $2.9 billion in reductions and $1.9 billion in delays of climate investments committed in previous budget agreements. Several of these proposals were included, or partially included in the early action agreement between the governor and the Legislature.

The May Revision proposes around $1 billion in additional reductions to climate and environment programs for 2022-23 as well as further reductions to planned spending beyond the current budget window. Reductions are proposed in areas including but not limited to clean energy and transportation, water and drought resilience, and wildfire resilience.

Significant new reductions that may disproportionately impact low-income and under-resourced communities include:

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key takeaway

Despite California’s efforts to expand preschool access, many children, particularly those from families with low incomes and children of color, are missing out on these crucial early learning opportunities. The complex early learning system makes it difficult for families to navigate and enroll their children.

Children and their families deserve early education opportunities that promote whole-child development and support overall family well-being. Preschool programs are an essential component in providing these experiences for 3- and 4-year-old children. While California has made significant strides in expanding access to preschool, thousands of preschool-age children still lack access to the state’s early learning programs. This is especially true for many children of color and children from families with low incomes who do not participate in any early learning program, whether it is in a preschool setting or in any other setting within California’s early learning system.

The early learning system is complex, and families are expected to navigate this system and make decisions on early learning options available in their communities. This report shares findings on the number of children served in the California State Preschool Program (CSPP) in the context of the mixed delivery system and equitable access to early learning.

What is the California State Preschool Program?

CSPP serves 3- and 4-year-old children from income-eligible families — children are eligible if their family’s income level is at or below 100% of State Median Income ($84,818 for a family of 2). The program offers part-day and full-day preschool to families who meet certain eligibility requirements — in addition to income, families must meet other requirements to access full-day preschool.1A 3- or 4-year-old child is eligible for full-day preschool if their family meets one additional requirement under the category “needs childcare.” This category includes whether the child is identified as being in danger of harm or neglect, or if the parent is in vocational training, is enrolled in an English language learner educational program, is employed or looking for employment, is seeking housing, or is incapacitated. California Education Code, title 1, sec. 8208 (d)(1). The California Department of Education (CDE) administers CSPP, including allocating funding to contractors.

At the local level, schools and colleges, nonprofits, and local governments offer the program. CSPP is part of California’s publicly funded mixed-delivery system that serves the early learning and child care needs of California families through several programs. In 2022, the entire system, including federally funded programs, served approximately 309,000 3- and 4-year-old children — most of these children are from families with low incomes.2Total enrollment is likely overestimated because families may participate in more than one program, and available data do not provide unduplicated numbers.

How many children have enrolled in CSPP over the years?

As shown in the chart below, enrollment for 3- and 4-year-old children in CSPP has not fully recovered after sharp declines in 2020. Since then, enrollment has steadily increased but still lags behind pre-pandemic numbers. From 2019 to 2022, the program served around 41,000 fewer 3- and 4-year-old children. This trend was particularly pronounced for 4-year-old children. After slightly recovering in 2021, the number of 4-year-olds in CSPP started to dip again while enrollment for 3-year-olds continued to increase — from 2021 to 2022, 4-year-old children in part-day programs experienced the largest drop. 

How many children could potentially be served by CSPP?

Data show a clear gap between the number of children eligible for CSPP and current enrollment levels. In 2022, the program enrolled only 17% of all 3- and 4-year-old children from income-eligible families. Specifically, more than 560,000 children were eligible for CSPP in 2022, but the program served only about 96,000 children. Of the number eligible, 469,000 (84%) were children of color. This gap is partially addressed by other preschool and child care programs serving 3- and 4-year-old children from low-income families. However, even after accounting for other programs, many children still do not benefit from any form of publicly funded early learning services.

What is the demand for CSPP?

Despite the gap in access to CSPP, the total number of available slots significantly exceeds demand. In fiscal year 2022-23, CSPP funding could have served about 211,000 children, but total program enrollment was less than half of the total capacity (100,080 children). The state has made investments to expand the program, such as increasing income eligibility thresholds, but demand is still significantly lower than it was prior to 2020. This means that dollars intended to provide access to preschool are not reaching those families who technically have a spot available to them.

Why might CSPP supply outpace demand?

While there is not enough information to fully understand why enrollment lags behind available spaces, some reports point to potential reasons such as:

  • workforce challenges that limit providers’ ability to staff classrooms;
  • the long-lasting impacts of the pandemic; 
  • 4-year-old children moving to Transitional Kindergarten (TK);
  • programs may not meet families’ needs (e.g., inconvenient hours or location); and
  • families facing access challenges, such as not having enough information about the program.

More research is needed to understand these challenges and target solutions, especially related to how families navigate the system and the factors that guide their decisions.

Implications

The findings presented in this report highlight key implications for policymakers, state agencies, and other early learning advocates. The trends in CSPP amplify continued efforts to expand access for families with the most need. Overall, failure to engage families to enroll in state preschool exacerbates ongoing disparities at the intersection of race and income. Additional implications include:

What can state leaders do to better support families with preschool-age children?

Strengthening CSPP requires policy changes and investments at the program and system level. The 2023-24 enacted budget included significant investments that will strengthen CSPP and other programs in the mixed delivery system, such as provider rate supplements and family fee reform.

State leaders can further strengthen CSPP by implementing changes that center families and enacting needed reforms to support the early learning workforce. Those include:

Increasing participation in preschool is crucial to promoting whole-child development and addressing deep inequities in outcomes later in a child’s life. California is making progress in creating a more robust mixed delivery system that works for families. However, there is still much more to be done to ensure children benefit from these investments. As state leaders consider changes to state preschool and the mixed delivery system, policy developments should be informed by those most impacted, namely, providers and caregivers.

  • 1
    A 3- or 4-year-old child is eligible for full-day preschool if their family meets one additional requirement under the category “needs childcare.” This category includes whether the child is identified as being in danger of harm or neglect, or if the parent is in vocational training, is enrolled in an English language learner educational program, is employed or looking for employment, is seeking housing, or is incapacitated. California Education Code, title 1, sec. 8208 (d)(1).
  • 2
    Total enrollment is likely overestimated because families may participate in more than one program, and available data do not provide unduplicated numbers.
  • 3
    Unused dollars could also be the result of overappropriations for a policy change.
  • 4
    Early Education Division – Opportunities for All Branch, UPK Mixed Delivery Quality and Access Report (February 9, 2024), 36, https://drive.google.com/file/d/1KJjCKg4RwLU7kRVcTwhao3oxbSVfc5Px/view.

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